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Encyclopedia > Origins of the American Civil War
The battle of Fort Sumter was the first stage in a conflict that had been brewing for decades.
The battle of Fort Sumter was the first stage in a conflict that had been brewing for decades.

The main explanation to origins of the American Civil War is slavery, especially the issue of slavery expansion into nationally owned territories. States' rights and the tariff became entangled in the slavery issue, and were intensified by it.[1] Other important factors were party politics, expansionism, sectionalism, economics and modernization in the Antebellum Period. Bombardment of Fort Sumter. ... Bombardment of Fort Sumter. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Robert Anderson P.G.T. Beauregard Strength 85 soldiers 500 soldiers Casualties 1 dead 5 injured 4 injured The Battle of Fort Sumter (April 12 – April 13, 1861), was a relatively minor military engagement at Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor... Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America (Confederacy) Commanders Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee Strength 2,200,000 1,064,000 Casualties 110,000 killed in action, 360,000 total dead, 275,200 wounded 93,000 killed in action, 258,000 total... Slave sale in Easton, Maryland The history of slavery in the United States (1619-1865) began soon after the English colonists first settled in Virginia and lasted until the passage of the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. ... States rights refers to the idea, in U.S. politics and constitutional law, that U.S. states possess certain rights and political powers in relation to the federal government. ... The Second Party System is the term historians give to the political system existing in the United States from about 1824 to 1854. ... This article is about the history and influence of the concept. ... Sectionalism is a tendency among sections in bureaucracy to blindly focus on the interest of a section at the expense of the whole. ... The Panic of 1857 was a sudden downturn in the economy of the United States. ... Antebellum is a Latin word meaning before war(ante means before and bellum is war). ...


The United States was a nation divided into two distinct regions separated by the Mason-Dixon line. New England, the Northeast and the Midwest had a rapidly growing economy based on family farms, industry, mining, commerce and transportation, with a large and rapidly growing urban population and no slavery outside the border states. Its growth was fed by a high birth rate and large numbers of European immigrants, especially Irish, British, German, Polish and Scandinavian. For the fictional character, see Mason Dixon (Rocky Balboa character). ... This article is about the region in the United States of America. ... Regional definitions vary The Northeastern United States is a region of the United States. ... In this map:  Union states  Union territories  Kansas, which entered the Union as a free state after the Bleeding Kansas crisis  Union border states that permitted slavery  The Confederacy  Confederate claimed and sometimes held territories The term border states refers to the five slave states of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri...


The South was dominated by a settled plantation system based on slavery, with rapid growth taking place in the Southwest, such as Texas, based on high birth rates and low immigration from Europe. There were few cities or towns, and little manufacturing except in border areas. Slave owners controlled politics and economics. Two-thirds of the Southern whites owned no slaves and usually were engaged in subsistence agriculture, but support for slavery came from all segments of southern society. A plantation economy is an economy which is based on agricultural mass production, usually of a few staple products grown on large farms called plantations. ... For other uses, see Texas (disambiguation). ...


Overall, the Northern population was growing much more quickly than the Southern population, which made it increasingly difficult for the South to continue to control the national government. Southerners were worried about the relative political decline of their region because the North was growing much faster in terms of population and industrial output.


In the interest of maintaining unity, politicians had mostly moderated opposition to slavery, resulting in numerous compromises such as the Missouri Compromise of 1820. After the Mexican-American War, the issue of slavery in the new territories led to the Compromise of 1850. While the compromise averted an immediate political crisis, it did not permanently resolve the issue of the Slave power (the power of slaveholders to control the national government). The United States in 1820. ... Combatants United States Mexico Commanders Zachary Taylor Winfield Scott Stephen W. Kearney Antonio López de Santa Anna Mariano Arista Pedro de Ampudia José Mariá Flores Strength 78,790 soldiers 25,000–40,000 soldiers Casualties KIA: 1733 Total dead: 13,271 Wounded: 4,152 AWOL: 9,200+ 25,000... This article or section is in need of attention from an expert on the subject. ... These are historic regions of the United States, meaning regions that were legal entities in the past, or which the average modern American would no longer immediately recognize as a regional description. ... Henry Clay takes the floor of the Old Senate Chamber; Millard Fillmore presides as Calhoun and Webster look on. ... The Slave Power was the term used in the Northern United States in the period 1840-1865 to describe the political power of the slaveholding class in the South. ...


Amid the emergence of increasingly virulent and hostile sectional ideologies in national politics, the collapse of the old Second Party System in the 1850s hampered efforts of the politicians to reach yet one more compromise. The compromise that was reached (the Kansas-Nebraska Act) outraged too many northerners. In the 1850s, with the rise of the Republican Party, the first major party with no appeal in the South, the industrializing North and agrarian Midwest became committed to the economic ethos of free-labor industrial capitalism. The Second Party System is the term historians give to the political system existing in the United States from about 1824 to 1854. ... The battle of Fort Sumter was the first stage in a conflict that had been brewing for decades. ... The Republican Party of the United States was established in 1854 and is one of the two dominant parties today. ...


Arguments that slavery was undesirable for the nation had long existed. After 1840 abolitionists denounced slavery as more than a social evil — it was a moral wrong. Many Northerners, especially leaders of the new Republican Party, considered slavery a great national evil and believed that a small number of Southern owners of large plantations controlled the national government with the goal of spreading that evil. Regional definitions vary from source to source. ... The Republican Party of the United States was established in 1854 and is one of the two dominant parties today. ... Historic Southern United States. ...


In 1860, the election of Abraham Lincoln, who won the national election without receiving a single electoral vote from any of the Southern states, triggered the secession of the cotton states of the Deep South from the union. Presidential electoral votes by state. ... The states in dark red comprise the Deep South. ...

Contents

Abolitionism

Platform of the American Anti-Slavery Society, founded in 1833 by William Lloyd Garrison and Arthur Tappan
Main article: Abolitionism

Antislavery movements in the North gained momentum in the 1830s and 1840s, a period of rapid transformation of Northern society that inspired a social and political reformism. Many of the reformers of the period, including abolitionists, attempted in one way or another to transform the lifestyle and work habits of labor, helping workers respond to the new demands of an industrializing, capitalistic society. Image File history File links Download high-resolution version (600x789, 88 KB) Title Twenty-ninth anniversary of the American Anti-slavery Society, Tuesday, May 12, 1863. ... Image File history File links Download high-resolution version (600x789, 88 KB) Title Twenty-ninth anniversary of the American Anti-slavery Society, Tuesday, May 12, 1863. ... The American Anti-Slavery Society (1833-1870) was founded by William Lloyd Garrison and Arthur Tappan. ... William Lloyd Garrison William Lloyd Garrison (December 12, 1805–May 24, 1879) was a prominent United States abolitionist, journalist, and social reformer. ... Arthur Tappan (May 22, 1786 - July 23, 1865) was an American abolitionist. ... This article is about the abolition of slavery. ...


Antislavery, like many other reform movements of the period, was influenced by the legacy of the great Second Great Awakening, a period of religious revival in the new country stressing the reform of individuals which was still relatively fresh in the American memory. Thus, while the reform spirit of the period was expressed by a variety of movements with often-conflicting political goals, most reform movements shared a common feature in their emphasis on the Great Awakening principle of transforming the human personality through discipline, order, and restraint. The Second Great Awakening  (1800–1830s) was the second great religious revival in United States  history and consisted of renewed personal salvation experienced in revival meetings. ...


"Abolitionist" had several meanings at the time. The followers of William Lloyd Garrison, including Wendell Phillips and Frederick Douglass, demanded the "immediate abolition of slavery", hence the name. A more pragmatic group of abolitionists, like Theodore Weld and Arthur Tappan, wanted immediate action, but that action might well be a program of gradual emancipation, with a long intermediate stage. "Antislavery men", like John Quincy Adams, did what they could to limit slavery and end it where possible, but were not part of any abolitionist group. For example, in 1841 Adams represented the Amistad African slaves in the Supreme Court of the United States and argued that they should be set free.[2] In the last years before the war, "antislavery" could mean the Northern majority, like Abraham Lincoln, who opposed expansion of slavery or its influence, as by the Kansas-Nebraska Act, or the Fugitive Slave Act. Many Southerners called all these abolitionists, without distinguishing them from the Garrisonians. James McPherson explains the abolitionists' deep beliefs: "All people were equal in God's sight; the souls of black folks were as valuable as those of whites; for one of God's children to enslave another was a violation of the Higher Law, even if it was sanctioned by the Constitution."[3] William Lloyd Garrison William Lloyd Garrison (December 12, 1805–May 24, 1879) was a prominent United States abolitionist, journalist, and social reformer. ... Wendell Phillips Statue in the Boston Public Garden. ... Frederick Douglass, ca. ... Theodore Dwight Weld (1803–1895), the author of American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses, was an evangelical American abolitionist. ... Arthur Tappan (May 22, 1786 - July 23, 1865) was an American abolitionist. ... John Quincy Adams (July 11, 1767 – February 23, 1848) was a diplomat, politician, and the sixth President of the United States (March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829). ... La Amistad (Spanish: friendship) was a Spanish merchant ship on which a rebellion by the slaves it was carrying broke out in 1839 when the schooner was travelling along the coast of Cuba. ... The Supreme Court of the United States (sometimes colloquially referred to by the acronym SCOTUS[1]) is the highest judicial body in the United States and leads the federal judiciary. ... For other uses, see Abraham Lincoln (disambiguation). ... The fugitive slave laws were statutes passed by the United States Congress in 1793 and 1850 to provide for the return of slaves who escaped from one state into another or into a public territory. ... For the Civil War General of a similar name see James B. McPherson James M. McPherson (born October 11, 1936) is an American Civil War historian, and is the George Henry Davis 86 Professor Emeritus of United States History at Princeton University. ...

A woodcut from the abolitionist Anti-Slavery Almanac (1839) depicts the capture of a fugitive slave by a slave patrol.
A woodcut from the abolitionist Anti-Slavery Almanac (1839) depicts the capture of a fugitive slave by a slave patrol.

Stressing the Yankee Protestant ideals of self-improvement, industry, and thrift, most abolitionists— most notably William Lloyd Garrison—condemned slavery as a lack of control over one's own destiny and the fruits of one's labor. Taken from [1] This image is in the public domain because its copyright has expired in the United States and those countries with a copyright term of life of the author plus 100 years. ... Taken from [1] This image is in the public domain because its copyright has expired in the United States and those countries with a copyright term of life of the author plus 100 years. ... Slave patrols (called patrollers or pattyrollers by the slaves) were gangs of poor white people who enforced discipline upon black slaves in groups of 3 to 6 men during the antebellum U.S. southern states. ... For the Major League Baseball team, see New York Yankees. ... Protestantism encompasses the forms of Christian faith and practice that originated with the doctrines of the Reformation. ... William Lloyd Garrison William Lloyd Garrison (December 12, 1805–May 24, 1879) was a prominent United States abolitionist, journalist, and social reformer. ...


Wendell Phillips, one of the most ardent abolitionists, attacked the Slave Power and presaged disunion as early as 1845: Wendell Phillips Statue in the Boston Public Garden. ... The Slave Power was the term used in the Northern United States in the period 1840-1865 to describe the political power of the slaveholding class in the South. ...

The experience of the fifty years… shows us the slaves trebling in numbers—slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the Government—prostituting the strength and influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere—trampling on the rights of the free States, and making the courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness.… Why prolong the experiment?[4]

Abolitionists also attacked slavery as a threat to the freedom of white Americans. Defining freedom as more than a simple lack of restraint, antebellum reformers held that the truly free man was one who imposed restraints upon himself. Thus, for the anti-slavery reformers of the 1830s and 1840s, the promise of free labor and upward social mobility (opportunities for advancement, rights to own property, and to control one's own labor), was central to the ideal of reforming individuals.


Controversy over the so-called Ostend Manifesto—which proposed U.S. annexation of Cuba as a slave state—and the Fugitive Slave Act kept sectional tensions alive before the issue of slavery in the West could occupy the country's politics in the mid-to-late 1850s. The Ostend Manifesto was a secret document written in 1854 by U.S. diplomats at Ostend, Belgium, describing a plan to acquire Cuba from Spain. ... An April 24, 1851 poster warning colored people in Boston about policemen acting as slave catchers. ...


Antislavery sentiment among some groups in the North intensified after the Compromise of 1850, when Southerners began appearing in Northern states to pursue fugitives or often to claim as slaves free African Americans who had resided there for years. Meanwhile, some abolitionists openly sought to prevent enforcement of the law. Violation of the Fugitive Slave Act was often open and organized. In Boston — a city from which it was boasted that no fugitive had ever been returned — Theodore Parker and other members of the city's elite helped form mobs to prevent enforcement of the law as early as April 1851. A pattern of public resistance emerged in city after city, notably in Syracuse in 1851 (culminating in the Jerry Rescue incident late that year), and Boston again in 1854. But the issue did not lead to a crisis until revived by the same issue underlying the Missouri Compromise of 1820: slavery in the territories. Henry Clay takes the floor of the Old Senate Chamber; Millard Fillmore presides as Calhoun and Webster look on. ... An April 24, 1851 poster warning colored people in Boston about policemen acting as slave catchers. ... Nickname: City on the Hill, Beantown, The Hub (of the Universe)1, Athens of America, The Cradle of Revolution, Puritan City, Americas Walking City Location in Massachusetts, USA Counties Suffolk County Mayor Thomas M. Menino(D) Area    - City 232. ... Theodore Parker (August 24, 1810 - May 10, 1860) was a reforming American minister of the Unitarian church, and a Transcendentalist. ... Nickname: Location of Syracuse within the state of New York Coordinates: , City Government  - Mayor Matthew Driscoll (D) Area  - City 66. ... The Missouri Compromise, also called the Compromise of 1820, was an agreement passed in 1820 between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery factions in the United States, involving primarily the regulation of slavery in the western territories. ...


Arguments for and against slavery

William Lloyd Garrison, a prominent abolitionist, was motivated by a belief in the growth of democracy. Because the Constitution had a three-fifths clause, a fugitive slave clause and a 20-year extension of the Atlantic slave trade, Garrison once publicly burned a copy of the U. S. Constitution and called it "a covenant with death and an agreement with hell".[5] In 1854, he said: Page I of the Constitution of the United States of America Page II of the United States Constitution Page III of the United States Constitution Page IV of the United States Constitution The Constitution of the United States is the supreme law of the United States of America and is...

I am a believer in that portion of the Declaration of American Independence in which it is set forth, as among self-evident truths, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Hence, I am an abolitionist. Hence, I cannot but regard oppression in every form—and most of all, that which turns a man into a thing—with indignation and abhorrence.[6]

Opposite opinions on slavery were expressed by Confederate Vice-President Alexander Stephens in his "Cornerstone Speech". Stephens said: This is an article about the Confederate Vice President. ... The Cornerstone Speech was delivered by Confederate Vice President, Alexander Stephens in Savannah, Georgia on March 21, 1861. ...

(Thomas Jefferson's) ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error ... Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery—subordination to the superior race—is his natural and normal condition.[7]

Thomas Jefferson (13 April 1743 N.S.–4 July 1826) was the third President of the United States (1801–09), the principal author of the Declaration of Independence (1776), and one of the most influential Founding Fathers for his promotion of the ideals of Republicanism in the United States. ...

"Free soil" movement

See also: Free Soil Party

The assumptions, tastes, and cultural aims of the reformers of the 1830s and 1840s anticipated the political and ideological ferment of the 1850s. A surge of working class Irish and German Catholic immigration provoked reactions among many Northern Whigs, as well as Democrats. Growing fears of labor competition for white workers and farmers because of the growing number of free blacks prompted several northern states to adopt discriminatory "Black Codes." Image File history File links No higher resolution available. ... Image File history File links No higher resolution available. ... Frederick Douglass, ca. ... The Free Soil Party was a short-lived political party in the United States active in the 1848 and 1852 presidential elections, and in some state elections. ... The Whig Party was a political party of the United States during the era of Jacksonian democracy. ... The Democratic Party is one of two major political parties in the United States, the other being the Republican Party. ... The Black Codes were laws passed to restrict civil rights and civil liberties of African Americans, particularly former slaves. ...


In the Northwest, although farm tenancy was increasing, the number of free farmers was still double that of farm laborers and tenants. Moreover, although the expansion of the factory system was undermining the economic independence of the small craftsman and artisan, industry in the region, still one largely of small towns, was still concentrated in small-scale enterprises. Arguably, social mobility was on the verge of contracting in the urban centers of the North, but long-cherished ideas of opportunity, "honest industry," and "toil" were at least close enough in time to lend plausibility to the free labor ideology.


In the rural and small-town North, the picture of Northern society (framed by the ethos of "free labor") corresponded to a large degree with reality. Propelled by advancements in transportation and communication—especially steam navigation, railroads, and telegraphs—the two decades before the Civil War were of rapid expansion in population and economy of the Northwest. Combined with the rise of Northeastern and export markets for their products, the social standing of farmers in the region substantially improved. The small towns and villages that emerged as the Republican Party's heartland showed every sign of vigorous expansion. Their vision for an ideal society was of small-scale capitalism, with white American laborers entitled to the chance of upward mobility opportunities for advancement, rights to own property, and to control their own labor. Many free-soilers demanded that the slave labor system and free black settlers (and in places such as California, Chinese immigrants) should be excluded from the Great Plains to guarantee the predominance there of the free white laborer. A steam engine is a heat engine that makes use of the potential energy that exists as pressure in steam, converting it to mechanical work. ... This is the top-level page of WikiProject trains Rail tracks Rail transport refers to the land transport of passengers and goods along railways or railroads. ... Telegraphy (from the Greek words tele = far away and grapho = write) is the long distance transmission of written messages without physical transport of letters, originally over wire. ... The Republican Party of the United States was established in 1854 and is one of the two dominant parties today. ... The term white American (often used interchangeably and incorrectly with Caucasian American[2] and within the United States simply white[3]) is an umbrella term that refers to people of European descent residing in the United States. ... This article is about the U.S. state. ... For other uses, see Great Plains (disambiguation). ...


Opposition to the 1847 Wilmot Proviso helped to consolidate the "free-soil" forces. The next year, Radical New York Democrats known as Barnburners, members of the Liberty Party, and anti-slavery Whigs held a convention at Buffalo, New York, in August, forming the Free-Soil Party. The party supported former President Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams, Sr., for President and Vice President, respectively. The party opposed the expansion of slavery into territories where it had not yet existed, such as Oregon and the ceded Mexican territory. The Wilmot Proviso was introduced on August 8, 1846 in the House of Representatives as a rider on a $2 million appropriations bill intended for the final negotiations to resolve the Mexican-American War. ... The Barnburners were a liberal faction of the New York state United States Democratic Party in the mid 19th century. ... Liberty Party was a political party in the United States during the mid-19th century. ... Nickname: Location of Buffalo in New York State Coordinates: , Country State County Erie Government  - Mayor Byron Brown (D) Area  - City 52. ... Martin Van Buren (December 5, 1782 – July 24, 1862), nicknamed Old Kinderhook, was the eighth President of the United States from 1837 to 1841. ... Charles Francis Adams (August 18, 1807, Boston - November 21, 1886, Boston), the son of John Quincy Adams and Louisa Adams, was an American lawyer, politician, diplomat and writer. ... This article is about the U.S. state. ...


Relating Northern and Southern positions on slavery to basic differences in labor systems, but insisting on the role of culture and ideology in coloring these differences, Eric Foner's book Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (1970) went beyond the economic determinism of Charles Beard (a leading historian of the 1930s). Foner emphasized the importance of free labor ideology to Northern opponents of slavery, pointing out that the moral concerns of the abolitionists were not necessarily the dominant sentiments in the North. Many Northerners (including Lincoln) opposed slavery also because they feared that black labor might spread to the North and threaten the position of free white laborers. In this sense, Republicans and the abolitionists were able to appeal to powerful emotions in the North through a broader commitment to "free labor" principles. The "Slave Power" idea had a far greater appeal to Northern self-interest than arguments based on the plight of black slaves in the South. If the free labor ideology of the 1830s and 1840s depended on the transformation of Northern society, its entry into politics depended on the rise of mass democracy, in turn propelled by far-reaching social change. Its chance would come by the mid-1850s with the collapse of the traditional two-party system, which had long suppressed sectional conflict. For other uses, see Culture (disambiguation). ... An ideology is an organized collection of ideas. ... Eric Foner (born February 7, 1943 in New York City) is an American historian. ... This article is about the general notion of determinism in philosophy. ... Charles Austin Beard (November 27, 1874 _ September 1, 1948) was an American historian, author with James Harvey Robinson of The Development of Modern Europe (1907). ... The Slave Power was the term used in the Northern United States in the period 1840-1865 to describe the political power of the slaveholding class in the South. ...


Sectional tensions and the emergence of mass politics

The cry of Free Man was raised, not for the extension of liberty to the black man, but for the protection of the liberty of the white.
Frederick Douglass

The politicians of the 1850s were acting in a society in which the traditional restraints that suppressed sectional conflict in the 1820s and 1850s — the most important of which being the stability of the two-party system — were being eroded as this rapid extension of mass democracy went forward in the North and South. It was an era when the mass political party galvanized voter participation to an unprecedented degree, and a time in which politics formed an essential component of American mass culture. Historians agree that political involvement was a larger concern to the average American in the 1850s than today. Politics was, in one of its functions, a form of mass entertainment, a spectacle with rallies, parades, and colorful personalities. Leading politicians, moreover, often served as a focus for popular interests, aspirations, and values.


Historian Allan Nevins, for instance, writes of political rallies in 1856 with turnouts of anywhere from twenty to fifty thousand men and women. Voter turnouts even ran as high as 84% by 1860. A plethora of new parties emerged 1854-56, including the Republicans, People's party men, Anti-Nebraskans, Fusionists, Know-Nothings, Know-Somethings (anti-slavery nativists), Maine Lawites, Temperance men, Rum Democrats, Silver Gray Whigs, Hindus, Hard Shell Democrats, Soft Shells, Half Shells and Adopted Citizens. By 1858, they were mostly gone, and politics divided four ways. Republicans controlled most Northern states with a strong Democratic minority. The Democrats were split North and South and fielded two tickets in 1860. Southern non-Democrats tried different coalitions; most supported the Constitutional Union party in 1860. Joseph Allan Nevins (May 20, 1890 - March 5, 1971) was an educator, historian, and author and journalist. ... The Know-Nothing movement was a nativist American political movement of the 1850s. ...


Many Southern states held constitutional conventions in 1851 to consider the questions of nullification and secession. With the exception of South Carolina, whose convention election did not even offer the option of "no secession" but rather "no secession without the collaboration of other states," the Southern conventions were dominated by Unionists who voted down articles of secession. Official language(s) English Capital Columbia Largest city Columbia Largest metro area Columbia Area  Ranked 40th  - Total 34,726 sq mi (82,965 km²)  - Width 200 miles (320 km)  - Length 260 miles (420 km)  - % water 6  - Latitude 32° 2′ N to 35° 13′ N  - Longitude 78° 32′ W to 83...


Southern fears of modernity

Allan Nevins argued that the Civil War was an "irrepressible" conflict. Nevins synthesized contending accounts emphasizing moral, cultural, social, ideological, political, and economic issues. In doing so, he brought the historical discussion back to an emphasis on social and cultural factors. Nevins pointed out that the North and the South were rapidly becoming two different peoples, a point made also by historian Avery Craven. At the root of these cultural differences was the problem of slavery, but fundamental assumptions, tastes, and cultural aims of the regions were diverging in other ways as well. More specifically, the North was rapidly modernizing in a manner threatening to the South. Historian James McPherson explains:[8] Joseph Allan Nevins (May 20, 1890 - March 5, 1971) was an educator, historian, and author and journalist. ... Avery Odelle Craven (born August 12, 1885 near Ackworth, Iowa; died January 21, 1980, Chesterton, Indiana) was an historian who specialized in the study of the nineteenth-century United States and the American Civil War. ...

When secessionists protested in 1861 that they were acting to preserve traditional rights and values, they were correct. They fought to preserve their constitutional liberties against the perceived Northern threat to overthrow them. The South's concept of republicanism had not changed in three-quarters of a century; the North's had.... The ascension to power of the Republican Party, with its ideology of competitive, egalitarian free-labor capitalism, was a signal to the South that the Northern majority had turned irrevocably towards this frightening, revolutionary future.

Harry L. Watson has synthesized research on antebellum southern social, economic, and political history. Self-sufficient yeomen, in Watson's view, "collaborated in their own transformation" by allowing promoters of a market economy to gain political influence. Resultant "doubts and frustrations" provided fertile soil for the argument that southern rights and liberties were menaced by Black Republicanism [9] Yeoman is an antiquated term for farmers, tradesmen and other members of the early English middle class. ...


J. Mills Thornton III, explained the viewpoint of the average white Alabamian. Thornton contends that Alabama was engulfed in a severe crisis long before 1860. Deeply held principles of freedom, equality, and autonomy, as expressed in republican values appeared threatened, especially during the 1850s, by the relentless expansion of market relations and commercial agriculture. Alabamians were thus, he judged, prepared to believe the worst once Lincoln was elected.[10] Republicanism is the political value system that has dominated American political thought since the American Revolution. ...


Slavery in the West

Territorial acquisitions

In the 1850s, sectional tensions were revived by the same issue that had produced them dating back to the Missouri Compromise of 1820: slavery in the territories. Northerners and Southerners, in effect, were coming to define "Manifest Destiny" in different ways, undermining nationalism as a unifying force. This article is about the history and influence of the concept. ...


The Compromise of 1850 grappled with the acquisition of territory after the Mexican-American War. It included a provision for the enforcement of the fugitive slave laws that caused a series of small, local episodes in the North that raised concerns about slavery. Combatants United States Mexico Commanders Zachary Taylor Winfield Scott Stephen W. Kearney Antonio López de Santa Anna Mariano Arista Pedro de Ampudia José Mariá Flores Strength 78,790 soldiers 25,000–40,000 soldiers Casualties KIA: 1733 Total dead: 13,271 Wounded: 4,152 AWOL: 9,200+ 25,000...


Kansas-Nebraska Act

Main article: Kansas-Nebraska Act

Most people thought the Compromise had ended the territorial issue, but Stephen A. Douglas reopened it in 1854, in the name of democracy. Douglas proposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill with the intention of opening up vast new high quality farm lands to settlement. As a Chicagoan, he was especially interested in the railroad connections from Chicago into Kansas and Nebraska, but that was not a controversial point. More importantly, Douglas firmly believed in democracy at the grass roots—that actual settlers have the right to decide on slavery, not politicians from other states. His bill provided that popular sovereignty, through the territorial legislatures, should decide "all questions pertaining to slavery", thus effectively repealing the Missouri Compromise. The ensuing public reaction against it created a firestorm of protest in the Northern states. It was seen as an effort to repeal the Missouri Compromise. However, the popular reaction in the first month after the bill's introduction failed to foreshadow the gravity of the situation. As Northern papers initially ignored the story, Republican leaders lamented the lack of a popular response. This 1856 map shows slave states (grey), free states (red), and US territories (green) with Kansas in center (white). ... Stephen Arnold Douglas (nicknamed the Little Giant because he was short but was considered by many a giant in politics) was an American politician from the western state of Illinois, and was the Democratic Party nominee for President in 1860. ... For other uses, see Chicago (disambiguation). ... Popular sovereignty or the sovereignty of the people is the belief that the legitimacy of the state is created by the will or consent of its people, who are the source of all political power. ... The United States in 1820. ...


Eventually, the popular reaction did come, but the leaders had to spark it. Chase's "Appeal of the Independent Democrats" did much to arouse popular opinion. In New York, William H. Seward finally took it upon himself to organize a rally against the Nebraska bill, since none had arisen spontaneously. Press such as the National Era, the New York Tribune, and local free-soil journals, condemned the bill. The Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858 drew national attention to the issue of slavery expansion. Salmon Portland Chase (January 13, 1808 – May 7, 1873) was an American politician and jurist in the Civil War era who served as Senator from Ohio, Governor of Ohio, as U.S. Treasury Secretary under President Abraham Lincoln, and Chief Justice of the United States. ... William Henry Seward, Sr. ... The New York Tribune building - today the site of Pace Universitys building complex of One Pace Plaza in New York City The New York Tribune was established by Horace Greeley in 1841 and was long considered one of the leading newspapers in the United States. ... The Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858 were a series of seven debates between Abraham Lincoln, a Republican, and Stephen A. Douglas, a Democrat, for an Illinois seat in the United States Senate. ...


Founding of the Republican Party

See also: History of the United States Republican Party
Charles Sumner, the Senate's leading opponent of slavery
Charles Sumner, the Senate's leading opponent of slavery

Convinced that Northern society was superior to that of the South, and increasingly persuaded of the South's ambitions to extend slave power beyond its existing borders, Northerners were embracing a viewpoint that made conflict likely; but conflict required the ascendancy of the Republican Party. The Republican Party — campaigning on the popular, emotional issue of "free soil" in the frontier — captured the White House after just six years of existence. The Republican Party of the United States was established in 1854 and is one of the two dominant parties today. ... Image File history File links Download high-resolution version (610x743, 58 KB) http://hdl. ... Image File history File links Download high-resolution version (610x743, 58 KB) http://hdl. ... For other uses, see White House (disambiguation). ...


The Republican Party grew out of the controversy over the Kansas-Nebraska legislation. Once the Northern reaction against the Kansas-Nebraska Act took place, its leaders acted to advance another political reorganization. Henry Wilson declared the Whig Party dead and vowed to oppose any efforts to resurrect it. Horace Greeley's Tribune called for the formation of a new Northern party, and Benjamin Wade, Chase, Charles Sumner, and others spoke out for the union of all opponents of the Nebraska Act. The Tribune's Gamaliel Bailey was involved in calling a caucus of anti-slavery Whig and Democratic Party Congressmen in May. For other persons named Henry Wilson, see Henry Wilson (disambiguation). ... Horace Greeley (February 3, 1811 – November 29, 1872) was an American editor of a leading newspaper, a founder of the Liberal Republican Party, reformer and politician. ... Benjamin Franklin Bluff Wade (October 27, 1800 – March 2, 1878) was a U.S. lawyer and United States Senator. ... For other persons named Charles Sumner, see Charles Sumner (disambiguation). ... Gamaliel Bailey (December 3, 1807 - June 5, 1859) was a U.S. journalist. ...


Meeting in a Ripon, Wisconsin, Congregational Church on February 28, 1854, some thirty opponents of the Nebraska Act called for the organization of a new political party and suggested that "Republican" would be the most appropriate name (to link their cause to the defunct Republican Party of Thomas Jefferson). These founders also took a leading role in the creation of the Republican Party in many northern states during the summer of 1854. While conservatives and many moderates were content merely to call for the restoration of the Missouri Compromise or a prohibition of slavery extension, radicals advocated repeal of the Fugitive Slave Laws and rapid abolition in existing states. The term "radical" has also been applied to those who objected to the Compromise of 1850, which extended slavery in the territories. Ripon is a city located in Fond du Lac County, Wisconsin. ... Congregational churches are Protestant Christian churches practicing congregationalist church governance, in which each congregation independently and autonomously runs its own affairs. ... is the 59th day of the year in the Gregorian calendar. ... 1854 (MDCCCLIV) was a common year starting on Sunday (see link for calendar). ...


But without the benefit of hindsight, the 1854 elections would seem to indicate the possible triumph of the Know-Nothing movement rather than anti-slavery, with the Catholic/immigrant question replacing slavery as the issue capable of mobilizing mass appeal. Know-Nothings, for instance, captured the mayoralty of Philadelphia with a majority of over 8,000 votes in 1854. Even after opening up immense discord with his Kansas-Nebraska Act, Senator Douglas began speaking of the Know-Nothings, rather than the Republicans, as the principal danger to the Democratic Party. For other uses, see Philadelphia (disambiguation) and Philly. ...


When Republicans spoke of themselves as a party of "free labor," they appealed to a rapidly growing, primarily middle class base of support, not permanent wage earners or the unemployed (the working class). When they extolled the virtues of free labor, they were merely reflecting the experiences of millions of men who had "made it" and millions of others who had a realistic hope of doing so. Like the Tories in England, the Republicans in the United States would emerge as the nationalists, homogenizers, imperialists, and cosmopolitans. For other uses, see Tory (disambiguation). ... Eugène Delacroixs Liberty Leading the People, symbolising French nationalism during the July Revolution 1830. ... Cecil Rhodes: Cape-Cairo railway project. ...


Those who had not yet "made it" included Irish immigrants, who made up a large growing proportion of Northern factory workers. Republicans often saw the Catholic working class as lacking the qualities of self-discipline, temperance, and sobriety essential for their vision of ordered liberty. Republicans insisted that there was a high correlation between education, religion, and hard work—the values of the "Protestant work ethic"—and Republican votes. "Where free schools are regarded as a nuisance, where religion is least honored and lazy unthrift is the rule," read an editorial of the pro-Republican Chicago Democratic Press after James Buchanan's defeat of John C. Fremont in the U.S. presidential election, 1856, "there Buchanan has received his strongest support." The Protestant work ethic, or sometimes called the Puritan work ethic, is a Calvinist value emphasizing the necessity of constant labor in a persons calling as a sign of personal salvation. ... For other persons named James Buchanan, see James Buchanan (disambiguation). ... John C. Frémont John Charles Frémont (January 21, 1813-July 13, 1890), birth name John Charles Fremon [Harvey, p. ... Presidential electoral votes by state. ...


Ethno-religious, socio-economic, and cultural fault lines ran throughout American society, but were becoming increasingly sectional, pitting Yankee Protestants with a stake in the emerging industrial capitalism and American nationalism increasingly against those tied to Southern slave holding interests. For example, acclaimed historian Don E. Fehrenbacher, in his Prelude to Greatness, Lincoln in the 1850s, noticed how Illinois was a microcosm of the national political scene, pointing out voting patterns that bore striking correlations to regional patterns of settlement. Those areas settled from the South were staunchly Democratic, while those by New Englanders were staunchly Republican. In addition, a belt of border counties were known for their political moderation, and traditionally held the balance of power. Intertwined with religious, ethnic, regional, and class identities, the issues of free labor and free soil were thus easy to play on. Don Edward Fehrenbacher was a well known Historian of 10th century US politics, Slavery, and Abraham Lincoln. ...


Events during the next two years in "Bleeding Kansas" sustained the popular fervor originally aroused among some elements in the North by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Those from the North were encouraged by press and pulpit and the powerful organs of abolitionist propaganda. Often they received financial help from such organizations as the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company. Those from the South often received financial contributions from the communities they left. Southerners sought to uphold their constitutional rights in the territories and to maintain sufficient political strength to repulse 'hostile and ruinous legislation.' The Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company was founded in 1854 by Eli Thayer of Massachusetts to support anti-slavery settlement of the Kansas territory. ...


While the Great Plains were largely unfit for the cultivation of cotton, informed Southerners demanded that the West be open to slavery, often—perhaps most often—with minerals in mind. Brazil, for instance, was an example of the successful use of slave labor in mining. In the middle of the eighteenth century, diamond mining supplemented gold mining in Minas Gerais and accounted for a massive transfer of masters and slaves from Brazil's northeastern sugar region. Southern leaders knew a good deal about this experience. It was even promoted in the pro-slavery DeBow's Review as far back as 1848. For other uses, see Cotton (disambiguation). ... Minerals are natural compounds formed through geological processes. ... This article is about the mineral. ... GOLD refers to one of the following: GOLD (IEEE) is an IEEE program designed to garner more student members at the university level (Graduates of the Last Decade). ... Capital (and largest city) Belo Horizonte Demonym Mineiro Government  -  Governor Aécio Neves  -  Vice Governor Antônio Augusto Junho Anastasia Area  -  Total 588,528. ... DeBows Review was a highly influential and widely circulated magazine of agricultural, commercial, and industrial progress and resource in the American South during the middle of the 19th century. ...


"Bleeding Kansas" and the elections of 1856

Radical abolitionist John Brown
Radical abolitionist John Brown

In Kansas around 1855, the slavery issue reached a condition of intolerable tension and violence. But this was in an area where an overwhelming proportion of settlers were merely land-hungry Westerners indifferent to the public issues. The majority of the inhabitants were not concerned with sectional tensions or the issue of slavery. Instead, the tension in Kansas began as a contention between rival claimants. During the first wave of settlement, no one held titles to the land, and settlers rushed to occupy newly open land fit for cultivation. While the tension and violence did emerge as a pattern pitting Yankee and Missourian settlers against each other, there is little evidence of any ideological divides on the questions of slavery. Instead, the Missouri claimants, thinking of Kansas as their own domain, regarded the Yankee squatters as invaders, while the Yankees accused the Missourians for grabbing the best land without honestly settling on it. Image File history File links John_Brown. ... Presidential electoral votes by state. ... Division of the states during the Civil War:  Union states  Union territories  Border states  Bleeding Kansas  The Confederacy  Confederate territories (not always held) Bleeding Kansas, sometimes referred to in history as Bloody Kansas or the Border War, was a sequence of violent events involving Free-Staters (anti-slavery) and pro... Tillage (American English), or cultivation (UK) is the agricultural preparation of the soil to receive seeds. ... For the Major League Baseball team, see New York Yankees. ... For other uses, see squat. ...


However, the 1855-56 violence in "Bleeding Kansas" did reach an ideological climax after John Brown — regarded by followers as the instrument of God's will to destroy slavery — entered the melee. His assassination of five pro-slavery settlers (the so-called "Pottawatomie Massacre", during the night of May 24, 1856) resulted in some irregular, guerrilla-style strife. Aside from John Brown's fervor, the strife in Kansas often involved only armed bands more interested in land claims or loot. Division of the states during the Civil War:  Union states  Union territories  Border states  Bleeding Kansas  The Confederacy  Confederate territories (not always held) Bleeding Kansas, sometimes referred to in history as Bloody Kansas or the Border War, was a sequence of violent events involving Free-Staters (anti-slavery) and pro... John Brown, ca. ... The Pottawatomie massacre occurred during the night of May 24 to the morning of May 25, 1856. ... is the 144th day of the year (145th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... 1856 was a leap year starting on Tuesday (see link for calendar). ... Guerrilla redirects here. ...

His zeal in the cause of freedom was infinitely superior to mine... Mine was as the taper light; his was as the burning sun. I could live for the slave; John Brown could die for him.
Frederick Douglas speaking of John Brown

Of greater importance than the civil strife in Kansas, however, was the reaction against it nationwide and in Congress. In both North and South, the belief was widespread that the aggressive designs of the other section were epitomized by (and responsible for) what was happening in Kansas. Consequently, "Bleeding Kansas" emerged as a symbol of sectional controversy.


Even before news of the Kansas skirmishes reached the East coast, a related violent escapade occurred in Washington on May 19. Charles Sumner's speech before the Senate entitled "The Crime Against Kansas," which condemned the Pierce Administration and the institution of slavery, singled out Senator Andrew P. Butler of South Carolina, a strident defender of slavery. Its markedly sexual innuendo cast the South Carolinian as the "Don Quixote" of slavery, who has "chosen a mistress [the harlot slavery]...who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to him, though polluted in the sight of the world is chaste in his sight." Several days later, Sumner fell victim to the Southern gentleman's code, which instructed retaliation for impugning the honor of an elderly kinsman. Bleeding and unconscious after a nearly fatal assault with a heavy cane by Butler's nephew, U.S. Representative Preston Brooks—and unable to return to the Senate for three years—the Massachusetts senator emerged as another symbol of sectional tensions. For many in the North, he illustrated the barbarism of slave society. is the 139th day of the year (140th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... For other persons named Charles Sumner, see Charles Sumner (disambiguation). ... Franklin Pierce (November 23, 1804 – October 8, 1869) was an American politician and the fourteenth President of the United States, serving from 1853 to 1857. ... Andrew Pickens Butler (November 18, 1796-May 25, 1857, was an American statesman and one of the authors of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. ... Official language(s) English Capital Columbia Largest city Columbia Largest metro area Columbia Area  Ranked 40th  - Total 34,726 sq mi (82,965 km²)  - Width 200 miles (320 km)  - Length 260 miles (420 km)  - % water 6  - Latitude 32° 2′ N to 35° 13′ N  - Longitude 78° 32′ W to 83... This article is about the fictional character and novel. ... Preston Brooks Preston Smith Brooks (August 5, 1819 – January 27, 1857) was a Congressman from South Carolina, notorious for brutally assaulting senator Charles Sumner on the floor of the United States Senate. ... This article is about the U.S. state. ...


Indignant over the developments in Kansas, the Republicans—the first entirely sectional major party in U.S. history—entered their first presidential campaign with confidence. Their nominee, John C. Frémont, was a generally safe candidate for the new party. Although his nomination upset some of their Nativist Know-Nothing supporters (his mother was a Catholic), the nomination of the famed explorer of the Far West with no political record was an attempt to woo ex-Democrats. The other two Republican contenders, William H. Seward and Salmon P. Chase, were seen as too radical. Sectionalism is a tendency among sections in bureaucracy to blindly focus on the interest of a section at the expense of the whole. ... John Charles Frémont (January 21, 1813 – July 13, 1890), was an American military officer, explorer, the first candidate of the Republican Party for the office of President of the United States, and the first presidential candidate of a major party to run on a platform in opposition to slavery. ... The Know-Nothing movement was a nativist American political movement of the 1850s. ... William Henry Seward, Sr. ... Salmon Portland Chase (January 13, 1808 – May 7, 1873) was an American politician and jurist in the Civil War era who served as Senator from Ohio, Governor of Ohio, as U.S. Treasury Secretary under President Abraham Lincoln, and Chief Justice of the United States. ...


Nevertheless, the campaign of 1856 was waged almost exclusively on the slavery issue—pitted as a struggle between democracy and aristocracy—focusing on the question of Kansas. The Republicans condemned the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the expansion of slavery, but they advanced a program of internal improvements combining the idealism of anti-slavery with the economic aspirations of the North. The new party rapidly developed a powerful partisan culture, and energetic activists drove voters to the polls in unprecedented numbers. People reacted with fervor. Young Republicans organized the "Wide Awake" clubs and chanted "Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, Frémont!" With Southern fire-eaters and even some moderates uttering threats of secession if Frémont won, the Democratic candidate, Buchanan, benefited from apprehensions about the future of the Union. Presidential electoral votes by state. ... Look up Public works in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ... In United States history, the term Fire-Eaters refers to a group of extremist pro-slavery politicians from the South who urged the separation of southern states into a new nation, which became known as the Confederate States of America. ... For other persons named James Buchanan, see James Buchanan (disambiguation). ...


States' rights

Main article: States rights

States' rights was an issue in the 19th century for those who felt that the federal government was superseded by the authority of the individual states and was in violation of the role intended for it by the Founding Fathers of the United States. Historian Kenneth M. Stampp notes that each section used states' rights arguments when convenient, and shifted positions when convenient.[11] For example, the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 was justified by its supporters as a state's right to have its property laws respected by other states, and was resisted by northern legislatures in the form of state personal liberty laws that placed state laws above the federal mandate. In American politics and constitutional law, states rights are guaranteed by the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, (i. ... Scene at the Signing of the Constitution of the United States, by Howard Chandler Christy. ... // Kenneth Milton Stampp (July 12, 1912 - ), Alexander F. and May T. Morrison Professor of History Emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley (1946-1983), is a celebrated historian of slavery, the American Civil War, and Reconstruction. ...


States’ rights and slavery

Historian Arthur M. Schlesinger noted that the states' rights “never had any real vitality independent of underlying conditions of vast social, economic, or political significance.”[12] He further elaborated:

From the close of the nullification episode of 1832-1833 to the outbreak of the Civil War, the agitation of state rights was intimately connected with the new issue of growing importance, the slavery question, and the principle form assumed by the doctrine was the right of secession. The pro-slavery forces sought refuge in the state rights position as a shield against federal interference with pro-slavery projects. ... As a natural consequence, anti-slavery legislatures in the North were led to lay great stress on the national character of the Union and the broad powers of the general government in dealing with slavery. Nevertheless, it is significant to note that when it served anti-slavery purposes better to lapse into state rights dialectic, northern legislatures did not hesitate to be inconsistent.[13]

Echoing Schlesinger, historian Forrest McDonald wrote that “the dynamics of the tension between federal and state authority changed abruptly during the late 1840s” as a result of the acquisition of territory in the Mexican War. McDonald states:

And then, as a by-product or offshoot of a war of conquest, slavery -- a subject that leading politicians had, with the exception of the gag rule controversy and Calhoun’s occassional outbursts, scrupulously kept out of partisan debate -- erupted as the dominant issue in that arena. So disruptive was the issue that it subjected the federal Union to the greatest strain the young republic had yet known.[14]

States' rights and minority rights

States' rights theories were a response to the fact that the Northern population was growing much faster than the population of the South, which meant that it was only a matter of time before the North controlled the federal government. Southerners were acting as a "conscious minority", and hoped that a strict constructionist interpretation of the Constitution would limit federal power over the states, and that a defense of states' rights against federal encroachments or even nullification or secession would save the South.[15] Before 1860 most presidents were either Southern or pro-South. The North's growing population would mean the election of pro-North presidents, and the addition of free-soil states would end Southern parity with the North in the Senate. As the historian Allan Nevins described the Southern politician John C. Calhoun's theory of states' rights, "Governments, observed Calhoun, were formed to protect minorities, for majorities could take care of themselves".[16] Joseph Allan Nevins (May 20, 1890 - March 5, 1971) was an educator, historian, and author and journalist. ... John Caldwell Calhoun (March 18, 1782 – March 31, 1850) was a leading United States Southern politician and political philosopher from South Carolina during the first half of the 19th century. ...


As early as 1830, in the midst of the Nullification Crisis, Calhoun identified the right to own slaves as the chief southern minority right being threatened:

I consider the tariff act as the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised, that the peculiar domestick [sic] institution of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relation to the majority of the Union, against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the states they must in the end be forced to rebel, or, submit to have their paramount interests sacrificed, their domestic institutions subordinated by Colonization and other schemes, and themselves and children reduced to wretchedness.[17][18]

Until the 1860 election the South’s interests nationally were entrusted to the Democratic Party. In 1860 the Democratic Party split into Northern and Southern factions as the result of a “bitter debate in the United States Senate between Jefferson Davis and Stephen Douglas.” The debate was over resolutions proposed by Davis “opposing popular sovereignty and supporting a federal slave code and states’ rights” which carried over to the national convention in Charleston.[19]


Davis defined equality in terms of the equal rights of states,[20] and opposed the declaration that all men are created equal.[21] Jefferson Davis stated that a "disparaging discrimination" and a fight for "liberty" against "the tyranny of an unbridled majority" gave the Confederate states a right to secede.[22] In 1860, Congressman Laurence M. Keitt of South Carolina said, "The anti-slavery party contend that slavery is wrong in itself, and the Government is a consolidated national democracy. We of the South contend that slavery is right, and that this is a confederate Republic of sovereign States."[23] Laurence Massillon Keitt (1824-1864) is included in several lists of Fire-Eaters — men who adamantly urged the secession of southern states from the United States, and who resisted measures of compromise and reconciliation, leading to the American Civil War. ...


Stampp mentioned Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens' A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States as an example of a Southern leader who said that slavery was the "cornerstone of the Confederacy" when the war began and then said that the war was not about slavery but states' rights after Southern defeat. Stampp said that Stephens became one of the most ardent defenders of the Lost Cause.[24] This is an article about the Confederate Vice President. ... George Washington Custis Lee, 1832-1913, on horseback, with staff reviewing Confederate Reunion Parade in Richmond, Virginia, June 3, 1907, in front of monument to Jefferson Davis. ...


The historian William C. Davis also mentioned inconsistencies in Southern states' rights arguments. He explained the Confederate Constitution's protection of slavery at the national level as follows:

To the old Union they had said that the Federal power had no authority to interfere with slavery issues in a state. To their new nation they would declare that the state had no power to interfere with a federal protection of slavery. Of all the many testimonials to the fact that slavery, and not states rights, really lay at the heart of their movement, this was the most eloquent of all.[25]

Southern fears of modernization

According to the historian McPherson, exceptionalism applied not to the South but to the North after the North phased out slavery and launched an industrial revolution that led to urbanization, increased education and reform movements such as abolitionism. The fact that seven immigrants out of eight settled in the North, plus the fact that twice as many whites left the South for the North as vice versa, contributed to the South's defensive-aggressive political behavior. The Charleston Mercury read that on the issue of slavery the North and South "are not only two Peoples, but they are rival, hostile Peoples."[26] As De Bow's Review said, "We are resisting revolution ... We are not engaged in a Quixotic fight for the rights of man ... We are conservative."[26]


Antebellum South and the Union

There had been a continuing contest between the states and the national government over the power of the latter—and over the loyalty of the citizenry—almost since the founding of the republic. The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, for example, had defied the Alien and Sedition Acts, and at the Hartford Convention, New England voiced its opposition to President James Madison and the War of 1812, and discussed secession from the Union. Thomas Jefferson. ... Text of the act. ... The Secret Journal of the Hartford Convention, published 1823. ... This article is about the region in the United States of America. ... For other persons named James Madison, see James Madison (disambiguation). ... This article is about the U.S.–U.K. war. ...


Nullification Crisis

Main article: Nullification Crisis

In Congress, John C. Calhoun had favored the War of 1812, protective tariffs, internal improvements at Federal expense, and a national bank. As early supporters of Henry Clay's American System, he and Clay put themselves in opposition to political forces in their own home states and probably cost Clay the Presidency. A federal tax system inspired by the work of Alexander Hamilton and later developed into the "National System" by German-American economist Friedrich List, the purpose was to develop American heavy industry and international commerce. Since iron, coal, and water power were mainly in the North, this tax plan was doomed to cause rancor in the South where economies were agriculture-based.[27][28] Leading Southerners were already relatively rich, could easily afford to buy European manufactured goods, and (except Clay) could be expected not to want to pay taxes to create an economic power base elsewhere inside the U.S.[29][30] So, by 1828, Calhoun became convinced that a protective tariff was not only harmful to his state of South Carolina but was also contrary to the Constitution. He also opposed the use of taxes and tariffs collected in one state being used for internal improvements to another state. He then began to work out his system for state resistance to laws he perceived as unconstitutional.[2] The Nullification Crisis was a sectional crisis during the presidency of Andrew Jackson that arose when the state of South Carolina attempted to nullify a federal law passed by the United States Congress. ... John Caldwell Calhoun (March 18, 1782 – March 31, 1850) was a leading United States Southern politician and political philosopher from South Carolina during the first half of the 19th century. ... For his namesake son, see Henry Clay, Jr. ... The Monkey System or Every One For Himself Henry Clay says Walk in and see the new improved original grand American System! The cages are labeled: Home, Consumption, Internal, Improv. This 1831 cartoon ridiculing Clays American System depicts monkeys, labeled as being different parts of a nations economy... Alexander Hamilton (November 20, 1755 or 1757 - July 12, 1804) was the first Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, lawyer, Founding Father, American politician, leading statesman, political economist,] financier, and political theorist. ... This box:  • • The American School also known as National System in politics, policy and philosophy represents three different yet related things. ... Friedrich List (August 6, 1789 - November 30, 1846) was a leading 19th Century German economist who believed in the National System. // He was born at Reutlingen, Württemberg. ...


A continuous strain on these unifying forces, from roughly 1820 through the Civil War, was the issue of trade and tariffs. Heavily dependent upon trade, the almost entirely agricultural and export-oriented South imported most of its manufactured needs from Europe or obtained them from the North. The North, by contrast, had a growing domestic industrial economy that viewed foreign trade as competition. Trade barriers, especially protective tariffs, were viewed as harmful to the Southern economy, which depended on exports. In 1828, Congress passed protective tariffs to benefit trade in the northern states which were detrimental to the South. Southerners vocally expressed their tariff opposition in documents such as the "South Carolina Exposition and Protest" in 1828, written in response to the "Tariff of Abominations." Tax rates around the world Tax revenue as % of GDP Economic policy Monetary policy Central bank   Money supply Fiscal policy Spending   Deficit   Debt Trade policy Tariff   Trade agreement Finance Financial market Financial market participants Corporate   Personal Public   Banking   Regulation        For other uses of this word, see tariff (disambiguation). ... The South Carolina Exposition and Protest, also known as Calhouns Exposition , was written in 1828 by John C. Calhoun,in disguise under the pseudonym Mr. ... The Tariff of 1828, also known as the Tariff of Abominations, was a protective tariff passed by the U.S. Congress in 1828. ...


Having waited four years for Congress to repeal the "Tariff of Abominations," South Carolinians reacted with anger as Congress enacted a new tariff in 1832 that offered them little relief, resulting in the most dangerous sectional crisis since the Union was formed. Some militant South Carolinians even hinted at withdrawing from the Union in response. Calhoun, however, persuaded the most ardent opponents of the tariff to adopt the doctrine of nullification (refusing to recognize or to enforce a federal law) — not secession — as their strategy. The newly elected South Carolina legislature then quickly called for the election of delegates to a state convention. Once assembled, the convention voted to declare null and void the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 within the state. President Andrew Jackson responded firmly, declaring nullification an act of treason. He then took steps to strengthen federal forts in the state. For other uses, see Andrew Jackson (disambiguation). ...


Violence seemed a real possibility early in 1833 as Jacksonians in Congress were introducing a "force bill" authorizing the President to use the Federal army and navy in order to enforce acts of Congress. No other state had come forward to support South Carolina, and the state itself was divided on willingness to continue the showdown with the Federal government. The crisis ended when Henry Clay and Calhoun worked to devise a compromise tariff. Both sides later claimed victory. Calhoun and his supporters in South Carolina claimed a victory for nullification, insisting that it, a single state, had forced the revision of the tariff. Jackson's followers, however, saw the episode as a demonstration that no single state could assert its rights by independent action. Calhoun, in turn, devoted his efforts to building up a sense of Southern solidarity so that when another standoff should come, the whole section might be prepared to act as a bloc in resisting the federal government. For his namesake son, see Henry Clay, Jr. ...


South Carolina dealt with the tariffs by adopting the Ordinance of Nullification, which declared both the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 null and void within South Carolina state borders. The legislature also passed laws to enforce the ordinance, including authorization for raising a military force and appropriations for arms. In response to South Carolina's threat, Congress passed a "Force Bill" and President Jackson sent seven naval vessels and a man-of-war into Charleston harbor in November 1832. On December 10, he issued a resounding proclamation against the nullifiers. The Ordinance of Nullification declared the tariff of 1828 and 1832 null and void within the state borders of South Carolina. ... pie is good ... is the 344th day of the year (345th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ...


The issue appeared again after 1842's Black Tariff. A period of relative free trade after 1846's Walker Tariff reduction followed until 1860, when the protectionist Morrill Tariff was introduced by the Republicans, fueling Southern anti-tariff sentiments once again. The Tariff of 1842, or Black Tariff as it became known, was a protectionist tariff schedule adopted in the United States to reverse the effects of the Compromise Tariff of 1833. ... The 1846 Walker tariff was a United States Democratic Party-passed bill that reversed the high rates of tariffs imposed by the Whig-backed Black Tariff of 1842 under president John Tyler. ... The Morrill Tariff of 1861 was a protective tariff bill passed by the U.S. Congress in early 1861. ...


Southern culture

See also: Slavery in the United States
Picking cotton in Georgia
Picking cotton in Georgia

Although only a small share of free southerners owned slaves, southerners of all classes often defended the institution of slavery[31]—threatened by the rise of free labor abolitionist movements in the northern states—as the cornerstone of their social order. Slave sale in Easton, Maryland The history of slavery in the United States (1619-1865) began soon after the English colonists first settled in Virginia and lasted until the passage of the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. ... Download high resolution version (1200x254, 69 KB)Picking cotton in Georgia. ... Download high resolution version (1200x254, 69 KB)Picking cotton in Georgia. ... For other uses, see Cotton (disambiguation). ...


Based on a system of plantation slavery, the social structure of the South was far more stratified and patriarchal than that of the North. In 1850, there were around 350,000 slaveholders in a total free southern population of about six million. Among slaveholders, the concentration of slave ownership was unevenly distributed. Perhaps around seven percent of slaveholders owned roughly three-quarters of the slave population. The largest slaveholders, generally owners of large plantations, represented the top stratum of southern society. They benefited from economies of scale and needed large numbers of slaves on big plantations to produce profitable labor-intensive crops like cotton. This plantation-owning elite, known as "slave magnates," was comparable to the millionaires of the following century. This article is about crop plantations. ... The increase in output from Q to Q2 causes a decrease in the average cost of each unit from C to C1. ...


In the 1850s, as large plantation owners out-competed smaller farmers, more slaves were owned by fewer planters. Yet, while the proportion of the white population consisting of slaveholders was on the decline on the eve of the Civil War—perhaps falling below around a quarter of free southerners in 1860—poor whites and small farmers generally accepted the political leadership of the planter elite.


Several factors helped explain why slavery was not under serious threat of internal collapse from any moves for democratic change initiated from the South. First, given the opening of new territories in the West for white settlement, many non-slaveowners also perceived a possibility that they, too, might own slaves at some point in their life.[32]

Violent repression of slaves was a common theme in abolitionist literature in the North. Above, this famous 1863 photo of a man deeply scarred from whipping by an overseer was distributed by abolitionists to illustrate what they saw as the barbarism of Southern society.
Violent repression of slaves was a common theme in abolitionist literature in the North. Above, this famous 1863 photo of a man deeply scarred from whipping by an overseer was distributed by abolitionists to illustrate what they saw as the barbarism of Southern society.

Second, small free farmers in the South often embraced hysterical racism, making them unlikely agents for internal democratic reforms in the South.[33] The principle of white supremacy, accepted by almost all white southerners of all classes, made slavery seem legitimate, natural, and essential for a civilized society. White racism in the South was sustained by official systems of repression such as the "slave codes" and elaborate codes of speech, behavior, and social practices illustrating the subordination of blacks to whites. For example, the "slave patrols" were among the institutions bringing together southern whites of all classes in support of the prevailing economic and racial order. Serving as slave "patrollers" and "overseers" offered white southerners positions of power and honor. These positions gave even poor white southerners the authority to stop, search, whip, maim, and even kill any slave traveling outside his or her plantation. Slave "patrollers" and "overseers" also won prestige in their communities. Policing and punishing blacks who transgressed the regimentation of slave society was a valued community service in the South, where the fear of free blacks threatening law and order figured heavily in the public discourse of the period. Image File history File links Download high-resolution version (1558x2581, 685 KB) Description : Cicatrices de flagellation sur un esclave (2 avril 1863, Baton Rouge, États-Unis) Source : Archive national des États-Unis - National Archives and Records Administration Baton Rouge, La. ... Image File history File links Download high-resolution version (1558x2581, 685 KB) Description : Cicatrices de flagellation sur un esclave (2 avril 1863, Baton Rouge, États-Unis) Source : Archive national des États-Unis - National Archives and Records Administration Baton Rouge, La. ... Slave patrols (called patrollers or pattyrollers by the slaves) were gangs of poor white people who enforced discipline upon black slaves in groups of 3 to 6 men during the antebellum U.S. southern states. ...


Third, many small farmers with a few slaves and yeomen were linked to elite planters through the market economy.[34] In many areas, small farmers depended on local planter elites for access to cotton gins, for markets, for their feed and livestock, and for loans. Furthermore, whites of varying social castes, including poor whites and "plain folk" who worked outside or at least in the periphery of the market economy, might be linked to elite planters through extensive kinship networks. For example, a poor white person might be the cousin of the richest aristocrat of his county and share the same militant support of slavery as his richer relatives. Yeoman is an antiquated term for farmers, tradesmen and other members of the early English middle class. ... A cotton gin on display at the Eli Whitney Museum. ...


Thus, by the 1850s, Southern slaveholders and non-slaveholders alike felt increasingly encircled psychologically and politically in the national political arena because of the rise of free soilism and abolitionism in the Northern states. Increasingly dependent on the North for manufactured goods, for commercial services, and for loans, and increasingly cut off from the flourishing agricultural regions of the Northwest, they faced the prospects of a growing free labor and abolitionist movement in the North.


Militant defense of slavery

With the outcry over developments in Kansas strong in the North, defenders of slavery— increasingly committed to a way of life that abolitionists and their sympathizers considered obsolete or immoral— shifted to a militant pro-slavery ideology that would lay the groundwork for secession upon the emergence of Abraham Lincoln.


Southerners waged a vitriolic response to political change in the North. Slaveholding interests sought to uphold their constitutional rights in the territories and to maintain sufficient political strength to repulse "hostile" and "ruinous" legislation. Behind this shift was the growth of the cotton industry, which left slavery more important than ever to the Southern economy.


Literature

Reactions to the popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) by Harriet Beecher Stowe (whom Abraham Lincoln reputedly called "the little woman that started this great war") and the growth of the abolitionist movement (pronounced after the founding of The Liberator in 1831 by William Lloyd Garrison) inspired an elaborate intellectual defense of slavery. Increasingly vocal (and sometimes violent) abolitionist movements, culminating in John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry in 1859 were viewed as a serious threat, and—in the minds of many Southerners—abolitionists were attempting to foment violent slave revolts as seen in Haiti in the 1790s and as attempted by Nat Turner some three decades prior (1831). Uncle Toms Cabin, or Life Among the Lowly, is American author Harriet Beecher Stowes fictional anti-slavery novel. ... Harriet Elizabeth Beecher Stowe (June 14, 1811 – July 1, 1896) was an American author and abolitionist, whose novel Uncle Toms Cabin (1852) attacked the cruelty of slavery; it reached millions as a novel and play, and became influential, even in Britain. ... This article is about the abolitionist newspaper. ... William Lloyd Garrison William Lloyd Garrison (December 12, 1805–May 24, 1879) was a prominent United States abolitionist, journalist, and social reformer. ... John Brown, ca. ... Nat, commonly called Nat Turner, (October 2, 1800 – November 11, 1831) was an American slave whose slave rebellion in Southampton County, Virginia, was the most remarkable instance of black resistance to enslavement in the antebellum southern United States. ...


After J. D. B. DeBow established De Bow's Review in 1846, it grew to become the leading Southern magazine, warning the planter class about the dangers of depending on the North economically. De Bow's Review also emerged as the leading voice for secession. The magazine emphasized the South's economic inequality, relating it to the concentration of manufacturing, shipping, banking, and international trade in the North. Searching for Biblical passages endorsing slavery and forming economic, sociological, historical, and scientific arguments, slavery went from being a "necessary evil" to a "positive good." Foreshadowing modern totalitarian thought, especially Nazism, Dr. J.H. Van Evrie's book Negroes and Negro slavery: The First an Inferior Race: The Latter Its Normal Condition — setting out the arguments the title would suggest — was an attempt to apply scientific analysis. James Dunwoody Brownson DeBow (1820-1867) was an American publisher and statistician best known for his influential magazine DeBows Review Categories: American people stubs | 1820 births | 1867 deaths | American people ... Some factual claims in this article or section need to be verified. ... The concept of Totalitarianism is a typology or ideal-type used by some political scientists to encapsulate the characteristics of a number of twentieth century regimes that mobilized entire populations in support of the state or an ideology. ... Nazism in history Nazi ideology Nazism and race Outside Germany Related subjects Lists Politics Portal         Nazism or National Socialism (German: Nationalsozialismus), refers primarily to the ideology and practices of the Nazi Party (National Socialist German Workers Party, German: Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or NSDAP) under Adolf Hitler. ...


Latent sectional divisions suddenly activated derogatory sectional imagery which emerged into sectional ideologies. As industrial capitalism gained momentum in the North, Southern writers emphasized whatever aristocratic traits they valued (but often did not practice) in their own society: courtesy, grace, chivalry, the slow pace of life, orderly life, and leisure. This supported their argument that slavery provided a more humane society than industrial labor. In his Cannibals All!, George Fitzhugh argued that the antagonism between labor and capital in a free society would result in "robber barons" and "pauper slavery," while in a slave society such antagonisms were avoided. He advocated enslaving Northern factory workers, for their own benefit. Abraham Lincoln, on the other hand, denounced such Southern insinuations that Northern wage earners were fatally fixed in that condition for life. To free soilers, the stereotype of the South was one of a diametrically opposite, static society in which the slave system maintained an entrenched anti-democratic aristocracy. Another George Fitzhugh was a 19th century Chancellor of the University of Cambridge George Fitzhugh (November 4, 1806 - July 30, 1881) was a social theorist who published radical racial and slavery-based sociological theories in the antebellum era. ...


Religious Conflict Over the Slavery Question

Led by Mark Noll, a body of scholarship[35][36][35] has highlighted the fact that the American debate over slavery became a shooting war in part because the two sides reached diametrically opposite conclusions based on reading the same authoritative source of guidance on moral questions -- the King James Version of the Bible. After the American Revolution and the disestablishment of government-sponsored churches, the U.S. experienced a massive Protestant revival -- the Second Great Awakening. Without centralized church authorities, American Protestantism was heavily reliant on the Bible, which was read in the standard 19th-century Reformed hermeneutic of "common sense," literal interpretation as if the Bible were speaking directly about the modern American situation instead of events that occurred in a much different context, millennia ago.[35] By the mid-1800's this form of religion and Bible interpretation had become a dominant strand in American religious, moral, and political discourse, almost serving as a de facto state religion.[35] Mark Noll, Professor of History at Wheaton College, Illinois, is the prolific progressive evangelical author of A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (1994), America’s God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (Oxford University Press) and co-author of the forthcoming Is the Reformation Over? An... This page is about the version of the Bible; for the Harvey Danger album, see King James Version (album). ... For other uses, see Bible (disambiguation). ... John Trumbulls Declaration of Independence, showing the five-man committee in charge of drafting the Declaration in 1776 as it presents its work to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia The American Revolution refers to the period during the last half of the 18th century in which the Thirteen... See also civil religion. ... The Second Great Awakening  (1800–1830s) was the second great religious revival in United States  history and consisted of renewed personal salvation experienced in revival meetings. ... The Reformed churches are a group of Protestant denominations historically related by a similar Zwinglian or Calvinist system of doctrine but organizationally independent. ... Hermeneutics (Hermeneutic means interpretive), is a branch of philosophy concerned with human understanding and the interpretation of texts. ...


The problem that this caused for resolving the slavery question was that the Bible, interpreted under these assumptions, seemed to clearly suggest that slavery was Biblically justified:[35]

The pro-slavery South could point to slaveholding by the godly patriarch Abraham (Gen 12:5; 14:14; 24:35-36; 26:13-14), a practice that was later incorporated into Israelite national law (Lev 25:44-46). It was never denounced by Jesus, who made slavery a model of discipleship (Mk 10:44). The Apostle Paul supported slavery, counseling obedience to earthly masters (Eph 6:5-9; Col 3:22-25) as a duty in agreement with "the sound words of our Lord Jesus Christ and the teaching which accords with godliness" (1 Tim 6:3). Because slaves were to remain in their present state unless they could win their freedom (1 Cor 7:20-24), he sent the fugitive slave Onesimus back to his owner Philemon (Phlm 10-20). The abolitionist north had a difficult time matching the pro-slavery south passage for passage. [...] Professor Eugene Genovese, who has studied these biblical debates over slavery in minute detail, concludes that the pro-slavery faction clearly emerged victorious over the abolitionists except for one specious argument based on the so-called Curse of Ham (Gen 9:18-27). For our purposes, it is important to realize that the South won this crucial contest with the North by using the prevailing hermeneutic, or method of interpretation, on which both sides agreed. So decisive was its triumph that the South mounted a vigorous counterattack on the abolitionists as infidels who had abandoned the plain words of Scripture for the secular ideology of the Enlightenment.[37]

Protestant churches in the U.S., unable to agree on what God's Word said about slavery, ended up with schisms between Northern and Southern branches: the Methodists in 1844,[38] the Baptists in 1845,[39] and the Presbyterians in 1857.[40][41] These splits presaged the subsequent split in the nation: "The churches played a major role in the dividing of the nation, and it is probably true that it was the splits in the churches which made a final split of the national inevitable."[42] The conflict over how to interpret the Bible was central:

The theological crisis occasioned by reasoning like [conservative Presbyterian theologian James H.] Thornwell's was acute. Many Northern Bible-readers and not a few in the South felt that slavery was evil. They somehow knew the Bible supported them in that feeling. Yet when it came to using the Bible as it had been used with such success to evangelize and civilize the United States, the sacred page was snatched out of their hands. Trust in the Bible and reliance upon a Reformed, literal hermeneutic had created a crisis that only bullets, not arguments, could resolve.[35]

The result:

The question of the Bible and slavery in the era of the Civil War was never a simple question. The issue involved the American expression of a Reformed literal hermeneutic, the failure of hermeneutical alternatives to gain cultural authority, and the exercise of deeply entrenched intuitive racism, as well as the presence of Scripture as an authoritative religious book and slavery as an inherited social-economic relationship. The North -- forced to fight on unfriendly terrain that it had helped to create -- lost the exegetical war. The South certainly lost the shooting war. But constructive orthodox theology was the major loser when American believers allowed bullets instead of hermeneutical self-consciousness to determine what the Bible said about slavery. For the history of theology in America, the great tragedy of the Civil War is that the most persuasive theologians were the Rev. Drs. William Tecumseh Sherman and Ulysses S. Grant.[43]

There were many causes of the Civil War, but the religious conflict, almost unimaginable in modern America, cut very deep at the time. Noll and others highlight the significance of the religion issue for the famous phrase in Lincoln's second inaugural: "Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other."


Fragmentation of the American party system

Dred Scott decision and the Lecompton Constitution

See also: Dred Scott v. Sandford

Before the Civil War, the stability of the two-party system was traditionally a unifying force. In the past, the old party-system created links and alliances between parochial interests and political networks of elites in various parts of the country, and kept divisive issues out of the way. The American institutional structure had been able to cope with sectional problems and disagreements; before the 1850s, the nation had already seen sectional disputes centered on the issue of slavery in the West. These disputes did not lead to civil war, but rather the Missouri Compromise in 1820 and the Compromise of 1850. Image File history File links Broom_icon. ... Image File history File links Download high resolution version (640x730, 58 KB) Dred Scott, plaintiff in the infamous en:Dred Scott v. ... Image File history File links Download high resolution version (640x730, 58 KB) Dred Scott, plaintiff in the infamous en:Dred Scott v. ... This article is about the slave. ... Holding States do not have the right to claim an individuals property that was fairly theirs in another state. ...


However, as the Second Industrial Revolution was gaining momentum in the North, the pro-Southern Democratic party was increasingly seen as a barrier to progress in the areas of transportation, tariffs, schooling, and banking policy. Moreover, as modern capitalist development transformed the economy and society in the North, the corresponding rise of mass politics undermined the stability of the old two-party system. Sectional ideologies grew more vitriolic after 1856, and the growth of mass politics allowed these sentiments to enter politics with the help of the pamphlets, speeches, and newspaper articles by the Republican radicals. Sectional tensions — once merely an elite concern — were now increasingly tinged by mass ideologies of free-soil and free-labor. Even the Constitution was now emerging as a source of division; in 1857, the Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford highlighted the ambiguity of the Constitution, undermining the unifying force that the nationalistic veneration of Constitution had provided. The Second Industrial Revolution (1865–1900) is a phrase used by some historians to describe an assumed second phase of the Industrial Revolution. ... Holding States do not have the right to claim an individuals property that was fairly theirs in another state. ...


Although indispensable mechanisms for regulating the balance of power between sectional interests in politics were being considerably eroded, revisionist historians, such as Randall and Craven, have argued that their repair would not have been out of the question had the nation been led by a more able generation of politicians. The controversy over the Lecompton Constitution in 1858 offered the best opportunity for an alliance between the moderate-to-conservative wing of the Republican Party and anti-administration Southerners. The Lecompton Constitution was one of four proposed Kansas state constitutions. ...


Republicans and anti-administration Democrats

President James Buchanan
President James Buchanan
See also: Lecompton constitution, Stephen A. Douglas, and James Buchanan

President Buchanan decided to end the troubles in Kansas by urging Congress to admit Kansas as a slave state under the Lecompton Constitution. Kansas voters, however, soundly rejected this constitution— at least with a measure of widespread fraud on both sides— by more than 10,000 votes. As Buchanan directed his presidential authority to this goal, he further angered the Republicans and alienated members of his own party. Prompting their break with the administration, the Douglasites saw this scheme as an attempt to pervert the principle of popular sovereignty on which the Kansas-Nebraska Act was based. Nationwide, conservatives were incensed, feeling as though the principles of states' rights had been violated. Even in the South, ex-Whigs and border states Know-Nothings— most notably John Bell and John J. Crittenden (key figures in the event of sectional controversies)— urged the Republicans to oppose the administration's moves and take up the demand that the territories be given the power to accept or reject sovereignty. Smaller image of President James Buchanan This image has been released into the public domain by the copyright holder, its copyright has expired, or it is ineligible for copyright. ... The Lecompton Constitution was one of four proposed Kansas state constitutions. ... Stephen Arnold Douglas (nicknamed the Little Giant because he was short but was considered by many a giant in politics) was an American politician from the western state of Illinois, and was the Democratic Party nominee for President in 1860. ... For other persons named James Buchanan, see James Buchanan (disambiguation). ... States rights refers to the idea, in U.S. politics and constitutional law, that U.S. states possess certain rights and political powers in relation to the federal government. ... In this map:  Union states  Union territories  Kansas, which entered the Union as a free state after the Bleeding Kansas crisis  Union border states that permitted slavery  The Confederacy  Confederate claimed and sometimes held territories The term border states refers to the five slave states of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri... John Bell (also known as The Great Apostate) (February 15, 1797–September 10, 1869) was a U.S. politician, attorney, and plantation owner. ... John Jordan Crittenden (September 10, 1786–July 26, 1863) was an American statesman. ...


As the schism in the Democratic party deepened, moderate Republicans argued that an alliance with anti-administration Democrats, especially Stephen Douglas, would be a key advantage in the 1860 elections. Some Republican observers saw the controversy over the Lecompton Constitution as an opportunity to peel off Democratic support in the border states, where Frémont picked up little support. After all, the border states had often gone for Whigs with a Northern base of support in the past without prompting threats of Southern withdrawal from the Union. Presidential electoral votes by state. ...


Among the proponents of this strategy was the New York Times, which called on the Republicans to downplay opposition to popular sovereignty in favor of a compromise policy calling for "no more slave states" in order to quell sectional tensions. The Times maintained that for the Republicans to be competitive in the 1860 elections, they would need to broaden their base of support to include all voters who for one reason or another were upset with the Buchanan Administration. The New York Times is an internationally known daily newspaper published in New York City and distributed in the United States and many other nations worldwide. ...


Indeed, pressure was strong for an alliance that would unite the growing opposition to the Democratic Administration. But such an alliance was no novel idea; it would essentially entail transforming the Republicans into the national, conservative, Union party of the country. In effect, this would be a successor to the Whig party. The United States Whig Party was a political party of the United States. ...


Republican leaders, however, staunchly opposed any attempts to modify the party position on slavery, appalled by what they considered a surrender of their principles when, for example, all the ninety-two Republican members of Congress voted for the Crittenden-Montgomery bill in 1858. Although this compromise measure blocked Kansas' entry into the union as a slave state, the fact that it called for popular sovereignty, rather than outright opposition to the expansion of slavery, was troubling to the party leaders.


In the end, the Crittenden-Montgomery bill did not forge a grand anti-administration coalition of Republicans, ex-Whig Southerners in the border states, and Northern Democrats. Instead, the Democratic Party merely split along sectional lines. Anti-Lecompton Democrats complained that a new, pro-slavery test had been imposed upon the party. The Douglasites, however, refused to yield to administration pressure. Like the anti-Nebraska Democrats, who were now members of the Republican Party, the Douglasean insisted that they— not the administration— commanded the support of most northern Democrats.


Extremist sentiment in the South advanced dramatically as the Southern planter class saw its hold on the executive, legislative, and judicial apparatus of the central government wane. It also grew increasingly difficult for Southern Democrats to manipulate power in many of the Northern states through their allies in the Democratic Party.


Republican Party structure

Willam H. Seward, Secretary of State under Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson
Willam H. Seward, Secretary of State under Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson

Despite their significant loss in the election of 1856, Republican leaders realized that even though they appealed only to Northern voters, they need win only two more states, such as Pennsylvania and Illinois, to win the presidency in 1860. Image File history File linksMetadata Download high-resolution version (2936x3296, 661 KB) File links The following pages on the English Wikipedia link to this file (pages on other projects are not listed): United States Secretary of State William H. Seward Origins of the American Civil War Metadata This file contains... Image File history File linksMetadata Download high-resolution version (2936x3296, 661 KB) File links The following pages on the English Wikipedia link to this file (pages on other projects are not listed): United States Secretary of State William H. Seward Origins of the American Civil War Metadata This file contains... Presidential electoral votes by state. ... This article is about the U.S. State. ... Official language(s) English[1] Capital Springfield Largest city Chicago Largest metro area Chicago Metropolitan Area Area  Ranked 25th  - Total 57,918 sq mi (140,998 km²)  - Width 210 miles (340 km)  - Length 390 miles (629 km)  - % water 4. ...


As the Democrats were grappling with their own troubles, leaders in the Republican party fought to keep elected members focussed on the issue of slavery in the West, which allowed them to mobilize popular support. Chase wrote Sumner that if the conservatives succeeded, it might be necessary to recreate the Free Soil Party. He was also particularly disturbed by the tendency of many Republicans to eschew moral attacks on slavery for political and economic arguments.


The controversy over slavery in the West was still not creating a fixation on the issue of slavery. Although the old restraints on the sectional tensions were being eroded with the rapid extension of mass politics and mass democracy in the North, the perpetuation of conflict over the issue of slavery in the West still required the efforts of radical Democrats in the South and radical Republicans in the North. They had to ensure that the sectional conflict would remain at the center of the political debate.


William Seward contemplated this potential in the 1840s, when the Democrats were the nation's majority party, usually controlling Congress, the presidency, and many state offices. The country's institutional structure and party system allowed slaveholders to prevail in more of the nation's territories and to garner a great deal of influence over national policy. With growing popular discontent with the unwillingness of many Democratic leaders to take a stand against slavery, and growing consciousness of the party's increasingly pro-Southern stance, Seward became convinced that the only way for the Whig Party to counteract the Democrats' strong monopoly of the rhetoric of democracy and equality was for the Whigs to embrace anti-slavery as a party platform. Once again, to increasing numbers of Northerners, the Southern labor system was increasingly seen as contrary to the ideals of American democracy. William Henry Seward, Sr. ...


Republicans believed in the existence of "the Slave Power Conspiracy," which had seized control of the federal government and was attempting to pervert the Constitution for its own purposes. The "Slave Power" idea gave the Republicans the anti-aristocratic appeal with which men like Seward had long wished to be associated politically. By fusing older anti-slavery arguments with the idea that slavery posed a threat to Northern free labor and democratic values, it enabled the Republicans to tap into the egalitarian outlook which lay at the heart of Northern society.


In this sense, during the 1860 presidential campaign, Republican orators even cast "Honest Abe" as an embodiment of these principles, repeatedly referring to him as "the child of labor" and "son of the frontier," who had proved how "honest industry and toil" were rewarded in the North. Although Lincoln had been a Whig, the "Wide Awakes" (members of the Republican clubs), used replicas of rails that he had split to remind voters of his humble origins. The Wide Awakes were a paramilitary organization affiliated with the Republican Party during the 1860 election and American Civil War. ...


In almost every northern state, organizers attempted to have a Republican Party or an anti-Nebraska fusion movement on ballots in 1854. In areas where the radical Republicans controlled the new organization, the comprehensive radical program became the party policy. Just as they helped organize the Republican Party in the summer of 1854, the radicals played an important role in the national organization of the party in 1856. Republican conventions in New York, Massachusetts, and Illinois adopted radical platforms. These radical platforms in such states as Wisconsin, Michigan, Maine, and Vermont usually called for the divorce of the government from slavery, the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Laws, and no more slave states, as did platforms in Pennsylvania, Minnesota, and Massachusetts when radical influence was high. This article is about the state. ... This article is about the U.S. state. ... Official language(s) English[1] Capital Springfield Largest city Chicago Largest metro area Chicago Metropolitan Area Area  Ranked 25th  - Total 57,918 sq mi (140,998 km²)  - Width 210 miles (340 km)  - Length 390 miles (629 km)  - % water 4. ... This article is about the U.S. state. ... This article is about the U.S. State. ... Official language(s) None (English and French de facto) Capital Augusta Largest city Portland Area  Ranked 39th  - Total 33,414 sq mi (86,542 km²)  - Width 210 miles (338 km)  - Length 320 miles (515 km)  - % water 13. ... This article is about the U.S. state. ... The fugitive slave laws were statutes passed by the United States Congress in 1793 and 1850 to provide for the return of slaves who escaped from one state into another or into a public territory. ... This article is about the U.S. State. ... Capital Saint Paul Largest city Minneapolis Largest metro area Minneapolis-St. ...


Conservatives at the Republican 1860 nominating convention in Chicago were able to block the nomination of William Seward, who had an earlier reputation as a radical (but by 1860 had been criticized by Horace Greeley as being too moderate). Other candidates had earlier joined or formed parties opposing the Whigs and had thereby made enemies of many delegates. Lincoln was selected on the third ballot. However, conservatives were unable to bring about the resurrection of "Whiggery." The convention's resolutions regarding slavery were roughly the same as they had been in 1856, but the language appeared less radical. In the following months, even Republican conservatives like Thomas Ewing and Edward Baker embraced the platform language that "the normal condition of territories was freedom". All in all, the organizers had done an effective job of shaping the official policy of the Republican Party. Speeches by important party figures are key features of the convention; here, former President Jimmy Carter addresses the 2004 Democratic National Convention. ... For other uses, see Chicago (disambiguation). ... William Henry Seward, Sr. ... Horace Greeley (February 3, 1811 – November 29, 1872) was an American editor of a leading newspaper, a founder of the Liberal Republican Party, reformer and politician. ... Thomas Ewing Thomas Ewing (December 28, 1789–October 26, 1871) was a National Republican and Whig politician from Ohio. ... Edward Dickinson Baker (February 24, 1811 – October 21, 1861) was a U.S. Representative from Illinois, a Senator from Oregon, a Colonel during the American Civil War, and a close friend of the 16th President of the United States, Abraham Lincoln. ...


Southern slave holding interests now faced the prospects of a Republican President and the entry of new free states that would alter the nation's balance of power between the sections. To many Southerners, the resounding defeat of the Lecompton Constitution foreshadowed the entry of more free states into the Union. Dating back to the Missouri Compromise, the Southern region desperately sought to maintain an equal balance of slave states and free states so as to be competitive in the Senate. Since the last slave state was admitted in 1845, five more free states had entered. The tradition of maintaining a balance between North and South was abandoned in favor of the addition of more free soil states. For the term free state as it arises in United States history, see: Free state. ... The free and slave states as of 1861, with free states in blue and slave states in red. ...


Sectional battles over federal policy in the late 1850s

Background

In The Rise of American Civilization (1927), Charles and Mary Beard argue that slavery was not so much a social or cultural institution as an economic one (a labor system). The Beards cited inherent conflicts between Northeastern finance, manufacturing, and commerce and Southern plantations, which competed to control the federal government so as to protect their own interests. According to the economic determinists of the era, both groups used arguments over slavery and states' rights as a cover. Charles Austin Beard (November 27, 1874 _ September 1, 1948) was an American historian, author with James Harvey Robinson of The Development of Modern Europe (1907). ...


Recent historians have rejected the Beardian thesis. But their economic determinism has influenced subsequent historians in important ways. Modernization theorists, such as Raimondo Luraghi, have argued that as the Industrial Revolution was expanding on a worldwide scale, the days of wrath were coming for a series of agrarian, pre-capitalistic, "backward" societies throughout the world, from the Italian and American South to India. But most American historians point out the South was highly developed and on average about as prosperous as the North. A Watt steam engine, the steam engine that propelled the Industrial Revolution in Britain and the world. ...


Panic of 1857 and sectional realignments

"Vote yourself a farm— vote yourself a tariff," read a campaign slogan for Abraham Lincoln in 1860.
"Vote yourself a farm— vote yourself a tariff," read a campaign slogan for Abraham Lincoln in 1860.

A few historians believe that the serious financial Panic of 1857—and the economic difficulties leading up to it—strengthened the Republican Party and heightened sectional tensions. Before the panic, strong economic growth was being achieved under relatively low tariffs. Hence much of the nation concentrated on growth and prosperity. converted from Image:Abraham-lincoln. ... converted from Image:Abraham-lincoln. ... For other uses, see Abraham Lincoln (disambiguation). ... The Panic of 1857 was a sudden downturn in the economy of the United States. ...


The iron and textile industries were facing acute, worsening trouble each year after 1850. By 1854, stocks of iron were accumulating in each world market. Iron prices fell, forcing many American iron mills to shut down.


Republicans urged western farmers and northern manufacturers to blame the depression on the domination of the low-tariff economic policies of southern-controlled Democratic administrations. However the depression revived suspicion of Northeastern banking interests in both the South and the West. Eastern demand for western farm products shifted the West closer to the North. As the "transportation revolution" (canals and railroads) went forward, an increasingly large share and absolute amount of wheat, corn, and other staples of western producers—once difficult to haul across the Appalachians—went to markets in the Northeast. The depression emphasized the value of the western markets for eastern goods and homesteaders who would furnish markets and respectable profits. For other uses, see Canal (disambiguation). ... This is the top-level page of WikiProject trains Rail tracks Rail transport refers to the land transport of passengers and goods along railways or railroads. ... Species T. aestivum T. boeoticum T. dicoccoides T. dicoccon T. durum T. monococcum T. spelta T. sphaerococcum T. timopheevii References:   ITIS 42236 2002-09-22 Wheat Wheat For the indie rock group, see Wheat (band). ... This article is about the maize plant. ... The Appalachian Mountains are a system of North American mountains running from Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada to Alabama in the United States, although the northernmost mainland portion ends at the Gaspe Peninsula of Quebec. ...


Aside from the land issue, economic difficulties strengthened the Republican case for higher tariffs for industries in response to the depression. This issue was important in Pennsylvania and perhaps New Jersey.


Southern response

The United States, immediately before the Civil War. All of the lands east of, or bordering, the Mississippi River were organized as states in the Union, but the West was still largely unsettled.
The United States, immediately before the Civil War. All of the lands east of, or bordering, the Mississippi River were organized as states in the Union, but the West was still largely unsettled.

Meanwhile, many Southerners grumbled over "radical" notions of giving land away to farmers that would "abolitionize" the area. While the ideology of Southern sectionalism was well-developed before the Panic of 1857 by figures like J.D.B DeBow, the panic helped convince even more cotton barons that they had grown too reliant on Eastern financial interests. File links The following pages link to this file: Timeline of United States history (1860-1899) Origins of the American Civil War User:172/OACW User:172/Origins of the American Civil War Categories: National Atlas images | National Atlas territorial expansion maps ... File links The following pages link to this file: Timeline of United States history (1860-1899) Origins of the American Civil War User:172/OACW User:172/Origins of the American Civil War Categories: National Atlas images | National Atlas territorial expansion maps ...


Thomas Prentice Kettell, former editor of the Democratic Review, was another commentator popular in the South to enjoy a great degree of prominence between 1857 and 1860. Kettell gathered an array of statistics in his book on Southern Wealth and Northern Profits, to show that the South produced vast wealth, while the North, with its dependence on raw materials, siphoned off the wealth of the South.[44] Arguing that sectional inequality resulted from the concentration of manufacturing in the North, and from the North's supremacy in communications, transportation, finance, and international trade, his ideas paralleled old physiocratic doctrines that all profits of manufacturing and trade come out of the land.[45] Political sociologists, such as Barrington Moore, have noted that these forms of romantic nostalgia tend to crop up whenever industrialization takes hold.[46] Thomas Prentice Kettell was a nineteenth-century American political economist, magazine editor, and author. ... The Physiocrats were a group of thinkers who believed in an economic theory which considered that the wealth of nations was derived solely from agriculture. ...


Such Southern hostility to the free farmers gave the North an opportunity for an alliance with Western farmers. After the political realignments of 1857-58—manifested by the emerging strength of the Republican Party and their networks of local support nationwide—almost every issue was entangled with the controversy over the expansion of slavery in the West. While questions of tariffs, banking policy, public land, and subsidies to railroads did not always unite all elements in the North and the Northwest against the interests of slaveholders in the South under the pre-1854 party system, they were translated in terms of sectional conflict—with the expansion of slavery in the West involved.


As the depression strengthened the Republican Party, slave holding interests were becoming convinced that the North had aggressive and hostile designs on the Southern way of life. The South was thus increasingly fertile ground for secessionism.


The Republicans' Whig-style personality-driven "hurrah" campaign helped stir hysteria in the slave states upon the emergence of Lincoln and intensify divisive tendencies, while Southern "fire eaters" gave credence to notions of the slave power conspiracy among Republican constituencies in the North and West. New Southern demands to re-open the African slave trade further fueled sectional tensions. The Atlantic slave trade, also known as the transatlantic slave trade, was the trade of African people supplied to the colonies of the New World that occurred in and around the Atlantic Ocean. ...


From the early 1840s until the outbreak of the Civil War, the cost of slaves had been rising steadily. Meanwhile, the price of cotton was experiencing market fluctuations typical of raw commodities. After the Panic of 1857, the price of cotton fell while the price of slaves continued its steep rise. At the 1858 Southern commercial convention, William L. Yancey of Alabama called for the reopening of the African slave trade. Only the delegates from the states of the Upper South, who profited from the domestic trade, opposed the reopening of the slave trade since they saw it as a potential form of competition. The convention in 1858 wound up voting to recommend the repeal of all laws against slave imports, despite some reservations. William Lowndes Yancey (August 10, 1814 - July 27, 1863), American political leader, son of Benjamin Cudworth Yancey, an able lawyer of South Carolina, of Welsh descent, was born near the Falls of the Ogeechee, Warren County, Georgia. ... This article is about the U.S. State. ...


Emergence of Lincoln

Elections of 1860

U.S. Electoral College breakdown in 1860
U.S. Electoral College breakdown in 1860

Initially, William H. Seward of New York, Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, and Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, were the leading contenders for the Republican presidential nomination. But Abraham Lincoln, a former one-term House member who gained fame amid the Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858, had fewer political opponents within the party and out-maneuvered the other contenders. On May 16, 1860, he received the Republican nomination at their convention in Chicago, Illinois. Image from http://nationalatlas. ... The United States Electoral College is the electoral college that chooses the President and Vice President of the United States at the conclusion of each Presidential election. ... Presidential electoral votes by state. ... William Henry Seward, Sr. ... This article is about the state. ... Salmon Portland Chase (January 13, 1808 – May 7, 1873) was an American politician and jurist in the Civil War era who served as Senator from Ohio, Governor of Ohio, as U.S. Treasury Secretary under President Abraham Lincoln, and Chief Justice of the United States. ... This article is about the U.S. State. ... Simon Cameron Simon Cameron (March 8, 1799 – June 26, 1889) was United States Secretary of War for Abraham Lincoln from 1861 to 1862. ... This article is about the U.S. State. ... For other uses, see Abraham Lincoln (disambiguation). ... The Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858 were a series of seven debates between Abraham Lincoln, a Republican, and Stephen A. Douglas, a Democrat, for an Illinois seat in the United States Senate. ... is the 136th day of the year (137th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... 1860 is the leap year starting on Sunday. ... For other uses, see Chicago (disambiguation). ... Official language(s) English[1] Capital Springfield Largest city Chicago Largest metro area Chicago Metropolitan Area Area  Ranked 25th  - Total 57,918 sq mi (140,998 km²)  - Width 210 miles (340 km)  - Length 390 miles (629 km)  - % water 4. ...


The schism in the Democratic Party over the Lecompton Constitution caused Southern "fire-eaters" to oppose front runner Stephen A. Douglas' bid for the Democratic presidential nomination. Southerners left the party and in June nominated John C. Breckinridge, while Northern Democrats supported Douglas. As a result, the Southern planter class lost a considerable measure of sway in national politics. Because of the Democrats' division, the Republican nominee faced a divided opposition. In United States history, the term Fire-Eaters refers to a group of extremist pro-slavery politicians from the South who urged the separation of southern states into a new nation, which became known as the Confederate States of America. ... Stephen Arnold Douglas (nicknamed the Little Giant because he was short but was considered by many a giant in politics) was an American politician from the western state of Illinois, and was the Democratic Party nominee for President in 1860. ... John C. Breckinridge This article is about the politician and Confederate General. ...


Adding to Lincoln's advantage, ex-Whigs from the border states had earlier formed the Constitutional Union Party, nominating John C. Bell for President. Thus, party nominees waged regional campaigns. Douglas and Lincoln competed for Northern votes, while Bell, Douglas and Breckinridge competed for Southern votes. The United States Whig Party was a political party of the United States. ... The Constitutional Union Party was a political party in the United States created in 1860. ... John Bell (also known as The Great Apostate) (February 15, 1797–September 10, 1869) was a U.S. politician, attorney, and plantation owner. ...


"Vote yourself a farm— vote yourself a tariff" could have been a slogan for the Republicans in 1860. In sum, business was to support the farmers' demands for land (popular also in industrial working-class circles) in return for support for a higher tariff. To an extent, the elections of 1860 bolstered the political power of new social forces unleashed by the Industrial Revolution. In February 1861, after the seven states had departed the Union (four more would depart in April-May 1861; in late April, Maryland was unable to secede because it was put under martial law), Congress had a strong northern majority and passed the Morrill Tariff Act (signed by Buchanan), which increased duties and provided the government with funds needed for the war. The Morrill Tariff of 1861 was a protective tariff bill passed by the U.S. Congress in early 1861. ...


Southern secession

With the emergence of the Republicans as the nation's first major sectional party by the mid-1850s, politics became the stage on which sectional tensions were played out. Although much of the West— the focal point of sectional tensions— was unfit for cotton cultivation, Southern secessionists read the political fallout as a sign that their power in national politics was rapidly weakening. Before, the slave system had been buttressed to an extent by the Democratic Party, which was increasingly seen as representing a more pro-Southern position that unfairly permitted Southerners to prevail in the nation's territories and to dominate national policy before the Civil War. But they suffered a significant reverse in the electoral realignment of the mid-1850s. 1860 was a critical election that marked a stark change in existing patterns of party loyalties among groups of voters; Abraham Lincoln's election was a watershed in the balance of power of competing national and parochial interests and affiliations. Fort Sumter, a Third System masonry coastal fortification located in Charleston harbor, South Carolina, was named after General Thomas Sumter. ... Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America (Confederacy) Commanders Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee Strength 2,200,000 1,064,000 Casualties 110,000 killed in action, 360,000 total dead, 275,200 wounded 93,000 killed in action, 258,000 total...


Once the election returns were certain, a special South Carolina convention declared "that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other states under the name of the 'United States of America' is hereby dissolved," heralding the secession of ten more Southern states by May 21, 1861. With Southern opposition removed in Congress, the Republicans did not attempt to satisfy Southern demands in a way that could have produced a compromise. Official language(s) English Capital Columbia Largest city Columbia Largest metro area Columbia Area  Ranked 40th  - Total 34,726 sq mi (82,965 km²)  - Width 200 miles (320 km)  - Length 260 miles (420 km)  - % water 6  - Latitude 32° 2′ N to 35° 13′ N  - Longitude 78° 32′ W to 83... is the 141st day of the year (142nd in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Year 1861 (MDCCCLXI) was a common year starting on Tuesday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar (or a common year starting on Sunday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ...


Onset of the Civil War and the question of compromise

Abraham Lincoln's rejection of the Crittenden Compromise, the failure to secure the ratification of the Corwin amendment in 1861, and the inability of the Washington Peace Conference of 1861 to provide an effective alternative to Crittenden and Corwin came together to prevent a compromise that is still debated by Civil War historians. Even as the war was going on, William Seward and James Buchanan were outlining a debate over the question of inevitability that would continue among historians. http://bioguide. ... http://bioguide. ... For other persons named Henry Wilson, see Henry Wilson (disambiguation). ... A History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America is a historically significant work of historiography of the American Civil War by Vice President Henry Wilson, who had been a Senator from Massachusetts during the war. ... Wikisource has original text related to this article: Crittenden Compromise The Crittenden Compromise (December 18, 1860) was an unsuccessful proposal by Kentucky Senator John J. Crittenden to resolve the U.S. secession crisis of 1860–1861 by addressing the concerns that led the states in the Deep South of the... The Corwin Amendment is a proposed amendment to the United States Constitution. ... Prior to the beginning of fighting between Americans in 1861, there took place a meeting at Washington, D. C. of many of the most influential Americans in the United States. ...


Two competing explanations of the sectional tensions inflaming the nation emerged even before the war. Buchanan believed the sectional hostility to be the accidental, unnecessary work of self-interested or fanatical agitators. He also singled out the "fanaticism" of the Republican Party. Seward, on the other hand, believed there to be an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces.


The irrepressible conflict argument was the first to dominate historical discussion. In the first decades after the fighting, histories of the Civil War generally reflected the views of Northerners who had participated in the conflict. The war appeared to be a stark moral conflict in which the South was to blame, a conflict that arose as a result of the designs of slave power. Henry Wilson's History of The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872-1877) is the foremost representative of this moral interpretation, which argued that Northerners had fought to preserve the union against the aggressive designs of "slave power." Later, in his seven-volume History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the Civil War, (1893-1900), James Ford Rhodes identified slavery as the central—and virtually only—cause of the Civil War. The North and South had reached positions on the issue of slavery that were both irreconcilable and unalterable. The conflict had become inevitable. For other persons named Henry Wilson, see Henry Wilson (disambiguation). ... A History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America is a historically significant work of historiography of the American Civil War by Vice President Henry Wilson, who had been a Senator from Massachusetts during the war. ... James Ford Rhodes (1848–1927), was an American historian, born in Ohio City. ...


But the idea that the war was avoidable did not gain ground among historians until the 1920s, when the "revisionists" began to offer new accounts of the prologue to the conflict. Revisionist historians, such as James G. Randall and Avery Craven, saw in the social and economic systems of the South no differences so fundamental as to require a war. Randall blamed the ineptitude of a "blundering generation" of leaders. He also saw slavery as essentially a benign institution, crumbling in the presence of 19th century tendencies. Craven, the other leading revisionist, placed more emphasis on the issue of slavery than Randall but argued roughly the same points. In The Coming of the Civil War (1942), Craven argued that slave laborers were not much worse off than Northern workers, that the institution was already on the road to ultimate extinction, and that the war could have been averted by skillful and responsible leaders in the tradition of Congressional statesmen Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. Two of the most important figures in U.S. politics in the first half of the 19th century, Clay and Webster, arguably in contrast to the 1850s generation of leaders, shared a predisposition to compromises marked by a passionate patriotic devotion to the Union. James G. Randall (1881-1953), was a leading American historian of the mid 20th century, specializing on Abraham Lincoln and the era of the American Civil War. ... Avery Odelle Craven (born August 12, 1885 near Ackworth, Iowa; died January 21, 1980, Chesterton, Indiana) was an historian who specialized in the study of the nineteenth-century United States and the American Civil War. ... For his namesake son, see Henry Clay, Jr. ... Daniel Webster (January 18, 1782 – October 24, 1852), was a leading American statesman during the nations antebellum era. ...


But it is possible that the politicians of the 1850s were not inept. More recent studies have kept elements of the revisionist interpretation alive, emphasizing the role of political agitation (the efforts of Democratic politicians of the South and Republican politicians in the North to keep the sectional conflict at the center of the political debate). David Herbert Donald argued in 1960 that the politicians of the 1850s were not unusually inept but that they were operating in a society in which traditional restraints were being eroded in the face of the rapid extension of democracy. The stability of the two-party system kept the union together, but would collapse in the 1850s, thus reinforcing, rather than suppressing, sectional conflict. David Herbert Donald (b. ...


Reinforcing this interpretation, political sociologists have pointed out that the stable functioning of a political democracy requires a setting in which parties represent broad coalitions of varying interests, and that peaceful resolution of social conflicts takes place most easily when the major parties share fundamental values. Before the 1850s, the second American two party system (competition between the Democrats and the Whigs) conformed to this pattern, largely because sectional ideologies and issues were kept out of politics to maintain cross-regional networks of political alliances. However, in the 1840s and 1850s, ideology made its way into the heart of the political system despite the best efforts of the conservative Whig Party and the Democratic Party to keep it out.


Economics

Historians today generally agree that economic conflicts were not a major cause of the war. While an economic basis to the sectional crisis was popular among the “Progressive school” of historians from the 1910s to the 1940s, few “professional historians now subscribe” to this explanation.[47] According to economic historian Lee A. Craig, "In fact, numerous studies by economic historians over the past several decades reveal that economic conflict was not an inherent condition of North-South relations during the antebellum era and did not cause the Civil War."[48] When numerous groups tried at the last minute in 1860-61 to find a compromise to avert war, they did not turn to economic policies. The three major attempts at compromise, the Crittenden Compromise, the Corwin Amendment, and the Washington Peace Conference, addressed only the slavery related issues of fugitive slave laws, personal liberty laws, slavery in the territories, and interference with slavery within the existing slave states.[49] Economic history is the application of economic theories to historical study. ...


Economic value of slavery to the South

Historian James L. Huston emphasizes the role of slavery as an economic institution. In October 1860 William Lowndes Yancey, a leading advocate of secession, placed the value of southern held slaves at $2,800,000,000.[50] Huston writes:

Understanding the relations between wealth, slavery, and property rights in the South provides a powerful means of understanding southern political behavior leading to disunion. First, the size dimensions of slavery are important to comprehend, for slavery was a colossal institution. Second, the property rights argument was the ultimate defense of slavery, and white southerners and the proslavery radicals knew it. Third, the weak point in the protection of slavery by property rights was the federal government. ... Fourth, the intense need to preserve the sanctity of property rights in Africans led southern political leaders to demand the nationalization of slavery -- the condition under which slaveholders would always be protected in their property holdings.[51]

Regional economic differences

The South, Midwest, and Northeast had quite different economic structures. They traded with each other and each became more prosperous by staying in the Union, a point many businessmen made in 1860-61. However Charles Beard in the 1920s made a highly influential argument to the effect that these differences caused the war (rather than slavery or constitutional debates). He saw the industrial Northeast forming a coalition with the agrarian Midwest against the Plantation South. Critics pointed out that his image of a unified Northeast was incorrect because the region was highly diverse with many different competing economic interests. In 1860-61, most business interests in the Northeast opposed war. Charles Austin Beard (November 27, 1874 _ September 1, 1948) was an American historian, author with James Harvey Robinson of The Development of Modern Europe (1907). ...


After 1950, only a few mainstream historians accepted the Beard interpretation, though it was accepted by libertarian economists.[52] As Historian Kenneth Stampp—who abandoned Beardianism after 1950, sums up the scholarly consensus:[53] "Most historians...now see no compelling reason why the divergent economies of the North and South should have led to disunion and civil war; rather, they find stronger practical reasons why the sections, whose economies neatly complemented one another, should have found it advantageous to remain united."[54]


Free labor vs. pro-slavery arguments

Historian Eric Foner has argued that a free-labor ideology dominated thinking in the North, which emphasized economic opportunity. By contrast, Southerners described free labor as "greasy mechanics, filthy operators, small-fisted farmers, and moonstruck theorists".[55] They strongly opposed the homestead laws that were proposed to give free farms in the west, fearing the small farmers would oppose plantation slavery. Indeed, opposition to homestead laws was far more common in secessionist rhetoric than opposition to tariffs.[56] Southerners such as Calhoun argued that slavery was "a positive good", and that slaves were more civilized and morally and intellectually improved because of slavery.[57] Eric Foner (born February 7, 1943 in New York City) is an American historian. ... Secession is the act of withdrawing from an organization, union, or political entity. ...


Contemporaneous explanations

Wikisource
Wikisource has the original text of

From Confederate Vice-President Alexander Stephens's "Cornerstone Speech," Savannah, March 21, 1861: Wikipedia does not have an article with this exact name. ... The original Wikisource logo. ... This is an article about the Confederate Vice President. ... The Cornerstone Speech was delivered by Confederate Vice President, Alexander Stephens in Savannah, Georgia on March 21, 1861. ...

(Jefferson's) ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. ... Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery -- subordination to the superior race -- is his natural and normal condition.

In July 1863, as decisive campaigns were fought at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, Republican senator Charles Sumner re-dedicated his speech The Barbarism of Slavery and said that desire to preserve slavery was the sole cause of the war: Thomas Jefferson (13 April 1743 N.S.–4 July 1826) was the third President of the United States (1801–09), the principal author of the Declaration of Independence (1776), and one of the most influential Founding Fathers for his promotion of the ideals of Republicanism in the United States. ... For other persons named Charles Sumner, see Charles Sumner (disambiguation). ...

[T]here are two apparent rudiments to this war. One is Slavery and the other is State Rights. But the latter is only a cover for the former. If Slavery were out of the way there would be no trouble from State Rights.

The war, then, is for Slavery, and nothing else. It is an insane attempt to vindicate by arms the lordship which had been already asserted in debate. With mad-cap audacity it seeks to install this Barbarism as the truest Civilization. Slavery is declared to be the "corner-stone" of the new edifice.

Lincoln's war goals were reactions to the war, as opposed to causes. Abraham Lincoln explained the nationalist goal as the preservation of the Union on August 22, 1862, one month before his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation:

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be "the Union as it was." ... My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. ... I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.[58]

On March 4, 1865, Lincoln said in his Second Inaugural Address that slavery was the cause of the War: This article or section does not adequately cite its references or sources. ...

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.

See also

To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ... Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America (Confederacy) Commanders Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee Strength 2,200,000 1,064,000 Casualties 110,000 killed in action, 360,000 total dead, 275,200 wounded 93,000 killed in action, 258,000 total... Antebellum is a Latin word meaning before war(ante means before and bellum is war). ... Division of the states during the Civil War:  Union states  Union territories  Border states  Bleeding Kansas  The Confederacy  Confederate territories (not always held) Bleeding Kansas, sometimes referred to in history as Bloody Kansas or the Border War, was a sequence of violent events involving Free-Staters (anti-slavery) and pro... In this map:  Union states  Union territories  Kansas, which entered the Union as a free state after the Bleeding Kansas crisis  Union border states that permitted slavery  The Confederacy  Confederate claimed and sometimes held territories The term border states refers to the five slave states of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri... For other uses, see Secession (disambiguation). ... States rights refers to the idea, in U.S. politics and constitutional law, that U.S. states possess certain rights and political powers in relation to the federal government. ... This article or section is in need of attention from an expert on the subject. ... Military history of African Americans is that of African Americans in the United States since the arrival of the first black slaves in 1619 to the present day. ... Wikisource has original text related to this article: Emancipation Proclamation Reproduction of the Emancipation Proclamation at the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center in Cincinnati, Ohio The Emancipation Proclamation consists of two executive orders issued by United States President Abraham Lincoln during the American Civil War. ... The fugitive slave laws were statutes passed by the United States Congress in 1793 and 1850 to provide for the return of slaves who escaped from one state into another or into a public territory. ... The Slave Power was the term used in the Northern United States in the period 1840-1865 to describe the political power of the slaveholding class in the South. ... Uncle Toms Cabin, or Life Among the Lowly, is American author Harriet Beecher Stowes fictional anti-slavery novel. ... This article is about the abolition of slavery. ... John Brown, ca. ... Frederick Douglass, ca. ... William Lloyd Garrison William Lloyd Garrison (December 12, 1805–May 24, 1879) was a prominent United States abolitionist, journalist, and social reformer. ... Lysander Spooner (January 19, 1808 – May 14, 1887) was an American individualist anarchist political philosopher, abolitionist, and legal theorist of the 19th century. ... Harriet Tubman (c. ... This article is about a 19th-century slave escape route. ... In this map:  Union states prohibiting slavery  Union territories  Border states on the Union side which allowed slavery  Kansas, which entered and fought with the Union as a free state after the Bleeding Kansas crisis  The Confederacy  Confederate claimed and sometimes held territories During the American Civil War, the Union... The 21st Michigan Infantry, a company of Shermans veterans. ... Wikipedia does not yet have an article with this exact name. ... Motto Deo Vindice (Latin: Under God, Our Vindicator) Anthem (none official) God Save the South (unofficial) The Bonnie Blue Flag (unofficial) Dixie (unofficial)  States that seceded under CSA control  States and territories claimed by CSA without formal secession and/or control Capital Montgomery, Alabama (until May 29, 1861) Richmond, Virginia... A group of Confederate soldiers The Confederate States Army (CSA) was organized in February 1861 to defend the newly formed Confederate States of America from military action by the United States government during the American Civil War. ... Navy Department Seal The Confederate States Navy (CSN) was the naval branch of the Confederate States armed forces established by an act of the Confederate Congress on February 21, 1861 responsible for Confederate naval operations during the American Civil War. ... President Lincoln visiting the Army of the Potomac at the Antietam battlefield, September 1862. ... Western Theater Overview (1861 – 1865) This article presents an overview of major military and naval operations in the Western Theater of the American Civil War. ... This article presents an overview of major military and naval operations in the Lower Seaboard Theater of the American Civil War. ... This article presents an overview of major military and naval operations in the Trans-Mississippi Theater of the American Civil War. ... This article presents an overview of major military operations in the Pacific Coast Theater of the American Civil War. ... 1861 Cartoon map of the blockade // The Union Blockade refers to the naval actions between 1861 and 1865, during the American Civil War, in which the Union Navy maintained a massive effort on the Atlantic and Gulf Coast of the Confederate States of America designed to prevent the passage of... Union Forces Campaign Streamer Confederate Forces Campaign Streamer American Civil War Campaigns are categorized in various ways. ... 1861 Cartoon map of Scotts plan The Anaconda Plan was proposed in 1861 by Union General Winfield Scott to win the American Civil War with minimal loss of life, enveloping the Confederacy by blockade at sea and control of the Mississippi River. ... The New Mexico Campaign was a military operation of the American Civil War in February-March 1862 in which the Confederate Brigadier General Henry Hopkins Sibley invaded the northern New Mexico Territory in an attempt to gain control of the southwest, including the gold fields of Colorado and the ports... Stonewall Jackson The Valley Campaign was Confederate General Thomas J. Stonewall Jacksons brilliant spring 1862 campaign through the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia, during the American Civil War. ... McClellan and Johnston of the Peninsula Campaign The Peninsula Campaign (also known as the Peninsular Campaign) of the American Civil War was a major Union operation launched in southeastern Virginia from March through July 1862, the first large-scale offensive in the Eastern Theater. ... Union soldiers at the Orange & Alexandria Railroad The Northern Virginia Campaign, also known as the Second Bull Run Campaign or Second Manassas Campaign, was a series of battles fought in Virginia during August and September, 1862, in the American Civil War. ... Confederate dead at Antietam The Maryland Campaign, or the Antietam Campaign, of September 1862 is widely considered one of the major turning points of the American Civil War. ... Battle of Stones River Conflict American Civil War Date December 31, 1862 – January 3, 1863 Place Murfreesboro, Tennessee Result Both sides claimed victory, but the Confederate Army withdrew The Battle of Stones River or Second Battle of Murfreesboro (in the South, simply the Battle of Murfreesboro), was fought from December... Lithograph of the Mississippi River Squadron running the Confederate blockade at Vicksburg on April 16, 1863. ... Battle of Hoovers Gap Conflict American Civil War Date June 24– 26, 1862 Place Bedford County, Tennessee and Rutherford County, Tennessee Result Union victory The Battle of Hoovers Gap was the principal battle fought in the Tullahoma Campaign of the American Civil War. ... Meade and Lee of Gettysburg Gettysburg Campaign (through July 3); cavalry movements shown with dashed lines. ... Confederate Brigadier General John Hunt Morgan Morgans Raid was a highly publicized incursion by Confederate cavalry into the Northern states of Indiana and Ohio during the American Civil War. ... The Bristoe Campaign was a series of battles fought in Virginia during October and November, 1863, in the American Civil War. ... James Longstreet and Ambrose Burnside, principal commanders of the Knoxville Campaign The Knoxville Campaign[1] was a series of American Civil War battles and maneuvers in East Tennessee during the fall of 1863. ... The Red River Campaign or Red River Expedition consisted of a series of battles fought along the Red River in Louisiana during the American Civil War from March 10 to May 22, 1864. ... Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee, opposing commanders in the Overland Campaign The Overland Campaign, also known as Grants Overland Campaign and the Wilderness Campaign, was a series of battles fought in Virginia during May and June 1864, in the American Civil War. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders William T. Sherman, James B. McPherson, John M. Schofield, George H. Thomas Joseph E. Johnston; replaced in July by John B. Hood † Leonidas Polk Strength Military Division of the Mississippi (Army of the Cumberland, Army of the Ohio, Army of... Eastern Theater operations in 1864 The Valley Campaigns of 1864 were American Civil War operations and battles that took place in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia from May to October, 1864. ... Federal earthworks at Bermuda Hundred The Bermuda Hundred Campaign was a series of battles fought outside Richmond, Virginia, during May, 1864, in the American Civil War. ... Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant Robert E. Lee Strength 67,000 – 125,000 average of 52,000 Casualties 53,386 ~32,000 The Richmond-Petersburg Campaign was a series of battles around Petersburg, Virginia, fought from June 15, 1864, to March... Western Theater campaigns of 1864–65 The Franklin-Nashville Campaign, also known as Hoods Tennessee Campaign, was a series of battles in the Western Theater, fought in the fall of 1864 in Alabama, Tennessee, and northwestern Georgia during the American Civil War. ... Maj. ... This article is about the historical event. ... Sherman in South Carolina: The burning of McPhersonville. ... Eastern Theater operations in 1865 The Appomattox Campaign (March 29 – April 9, 1865) was a series of battles fought in Virginia that culminated in the surrender of Robert E. Lees Army of Northern Virginia and the effective end of the American Civil War. ... The Battles of the American Civil War can be organized in a variety of, including chronologically, alphabetically by state, by winner, by casualty statistics, etc. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Robert Anderson P.G.T. Beauregard Strength 85 soldiers 500 soldiers Casualties 1 dead 5 injured 4 injured The Battle of Fort Sumter (April 12 – April 13, 1861), was a relatively minor military engagement at Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Irvin McDowell Joseph E. Johnston P.G.T. Beauregard Strength 35,000 32,500 Casualties 2,896 (460 killed, 1,124 wounded, 1,312 captured/missing)[1] 1,982 (387 killed, 1,582 wounded, 13 missing)[1] For other uses... Combatants United States of America State of Missouri Confederate States of America Commanders Nathaniel Lyon Samuel D. Sturgis Franz Sigel Sterling Price Ben McCulloch Strength Army of the West Missouri State Guard and McCulloch’s Brigade Casualties 1,235 1,095 The Battle of Wilsons Creek, also known as... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant Andrew H. Foote John B. Floyd Gideon J. Pillow Simon B. Buckner # Strength 24,531 District of Cairo & Western Flotilla 16,171 Casualties 2,691 (507 killed, 1,976 wounded, 208 captured/missing) 13,846 (327 killed... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Samuel R. Curtis Earl Van Dorn Strength Army of the Southwest,≈10,500 men Army of the West, ≈16,000 men Casualties 1,349 (mostly killed and wounded) 4,600 (mostly captured) The Battle of Pea Ridge (also known as... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders John L. Worden Franklin Buchanan Catesby R. Jones Strength 1 ironclad, 3 wooden warships 1 ironclad, 2 wooden warships, 1 gunboat, 2 tenders Casualties 2 wooden warships sunk, 1 wooden warship damaged 261 killed 108 wounded 1 ironclad damaged 7... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant, Don Carlos Buell Albert Sidney Johnston â€ , P.G.T. Beauregard Strength Army of West Tennessee (48,894), Army of the Ohio (17,918)[1] Army of Mississippi (44,699)[1] Casualties 13,047: 1,754 killed, 8... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Officer David G. Farragut and Maj. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders George B. McClellan Joseph E. Johnston G. W. Smith Strength 41,797 41,816 Casualties 5,031 (790 killed, 3,594 wounded, 647 captured/missing) 6,134 (980 killed, 4,749 wounded, 405 captured/missing) The Battle of Seven Pines... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders George B. McClellan Robert E. Lee Strength Army of the Potomac; 105,445 Army of Northern Virginia; 90,500 Casualties 1,734 killed 8,062 wounded 6,053 missing/captured 3,286 killed 15,009 wounded 946 missing/captured Peninsula... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders John Pope Robert E. Lee James Longstreet Stonewall Jackson Strength 63,000 54,000 Casualties 1,747 killed 8,452 wounded 4,263 captured/missing 1,553 killed 7,812 wounded 109 captured/missing For other uses, see Bull Run... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders George B. McClellan Robert E. Lee Strength 87,000 45,000 Casualties 12,401 (2,108 killed, 9,540 wounded, 753 captured/missing) 10,316 (1,546 killed, 7,752 wounded, 1,018 captured/missing) The Battle of Antietam (also... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Don Carlos Buell Braxton Bragg Strength Army of the Ohio Army of Mississippi Casualties 4,211 3,196 The Battle of Perryville, also known as Battle at Perryville and Battle of Chaplin Hills, was an important but largely neglected encounter... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ambrose E. Burnside Robert E. Lee Strength Army of the Potomac ~114,000 engaged Army of Northern Virginia ~72,500 engaged Casualties 12,653 (1,284 killed, 9,600 wounded, 1,769 captured/missing) 5,377 (608 killed, 4,116... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders William S. Rosecrans Braxton Bragg Strength 43,400 37,712 Casualties 13,249 (1,730 killed, 7,802 wounded, 3,717 captured/missing) 10,266 (1,294 killed, 7,945 wounded, 1,027 captured/missing) The Battle of Stones River... Belligerents United States (Union) CSA (Confederacy) Commanders Joseph Hooker Robert E. Lee Stonewall Jackson† Strength 133,868 60,892 Casualties and losses 17,197 (1,606 killed, 9,672 wounded, 5,919 missing)[2] 12,764 (1,665 killed, 9,081 wounded, 2,018 missing)[2] The Battle of Chancellorsville... Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America Commanders George G. Meade Robert E. Lee Strength 93,921[1] 71,699[2] Casualties 23,055 (3,155 killed, 14,531 wounded, 5,369 captured/missing)[1] 23,231 (4,708 killed, 12,693 wounded, 5,830 captured/missing... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant John C. Pemberton Strength 77,000[1] ~30,000 Casualties 4,855[2] 32,697 (29,495 surrendered)[2] The Battle of Vicksburg, or Siege of Vicksburg, was the final significant battle in the Vicksburg Campaign of... Belligerents United States (Union) CSA (Confederacy) Commanders William S. Rosecrans George H. Thomas Braxton Bragg James Longstreet Strength Army of the Cumberland (56,965) Army of Tennessee (70,000) Casualties and losses 16,170 (1,657 killed, 9,756 wounded, 4,757 captured/missing) 18,454 (2,312 killed, 14... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant Braxton Bragg Strength Military Division of the Mississippi (56,359 effectives)[1] Army of Tennessee (44,010)[1] Casualties 5,824 (753 killed, 4,722 wounded, 349 missing)[1] 6,667 (361 killed, 2,160 wounded, 4... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant George G. Meade Robert E. Lee Strength 101,895 61,025 Casualties 18,400 11,400 For the French and Indian War battle, see Battle of the Wilderness 1755. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant George G. Meade Robert E. Lee Strength 100,000 52,000 Casualties 18,000 12,000 The Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, sometimes simply referred to as the Battle of Spotsylvania, was the second battle in Lieut. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders Ulysses S. Grant George G. Meade Robert E. Lee Strength 108,000 62,000 Casualties 13,000 2,500 The Battle of Cold Harbor, the final battle of Union Lt. ... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders William T. Sherman James B. McPherson† John B. Hood Strength Military Division of the Mississippi Army of Tennessee Casualties 3,641 8,499 The Battle of Atlanta was a battle of the Atlanta Campaign fought during the American Civil War... Combatants United States of America (U.S. Navy) Confederate States of America (Confederate States Navy) Commanders David Farragut (navy) Gordon Granger (army) Franklin Buchanan (navy) Dabney H. Maury (army) Strength 14 wooden ships (including 2 gunboats) 4 ironclad monitors 5,500 Land Force Troops Three gunboats, One ironclad, 2,000... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders John McAllister Schofield John Bell Hood Strength IV and XXIII Corps (Army of the Ohio and Army of the Cumberland) Army of Tennessee Casualties 2,326 6,261 Franklin-Nashville Campaign Allatoona – Decatur – Johnsonville – Columbia – Spring Hill – 2nd Franklin – 3rd... Combatants United States of America Confederate States of America Commanders George H. Thomas John Bell Hood Strength IV Corps, XXIII Corps, detachment of Army of the Tennessee, provisional detachment, and Cavalry Corps Army of Tennessee Casualties 2,900 approximately 13,000 The Battle of Nashville was a two-day battle... Battle of Five Forks Conflict American Civil War Date April 1, 1865 Place Dinwiddie County Result Union victory The Battle of Five Forks, April 1, 1865, was the final Union offensive in the American Civil War. ... Richard H. Anderson Richard Heron Anderson ( October 7, 1821 – June 26, 1879) was a career U.S. Army officer and a Confederate general in the American Civil War. ... Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard (pronounced IPA: ) (May 28, 1818 – February 20, 1893), was a Louisiana-born general for the Confederate States Army during the American Civil War. ... Braxton Bragg Braxton Bragg (March 22, 1817 – September 27, 1876) was a career U.S. Army officer and a general in the Confederate States Army, a principal commander in the Western Theater of the American Civil War. ... General Samuel Cooper Samuel Cooper (June 12, 1798 – December 3, 1876) was a career U.S. Army officer and, although little-known today, the highest ranking Confederate general during the American Civil War. ... For other uses, see Jubal Early (disambiguation). ... Richard S. Ewell Richard Stoddert Ewell (February 8, 1817 – January 25, 1872) was a career U.S. Army officer and a Confederate general during the American Civil War. ... For the World War II general, see Nathan Bedford Forrest III. Nathaniel Bedford Forrest (July 13, 1821–October 29, 1877) was a Confederate Army general during the American Civil War. ... Josiah Gorgas Josiah Gorgas (July 1, 1818 – May 15, 1883) was one of the few Northern-born Confederate generals in the American Civil War. ... Ambrose Powell Hill Ambrose Powell Hill (November 9, 1825 – April 2, 1865), was a Confederate States of America general in the American Civil War. ... John Bell Hood (June 1[1] or June 29,[2] 1831 – August 30, 1879) was a Confederate general during the American Civil War. ... For other uses of Stonewall Jackson, see Stonewall Jackson (disambiguation). ... Albert Sidney Johnston Albert Sidney Johnston (February 2, 1803 – April 6, 1862) was a career U.S. Army officer and a Confederate general during the American Civil War. ... Joseph E. Johnston Joseph Eggleston Johnston (February 3, 1807 – March 21, 1891) was a career U.S. Army officer and one of the most senior generals in the Confederate States Army during the American Civil War. ... For other uses, see Robert E. Lee (disambiguation). ... James Longstreet (January 8, 1821 – January 2, 1904) was one of the foremost Confederate generals of the American Civil War, the principal subordinate to General Robert E. Lee, who called him his Old War Horse. ... Confederate Brigadier General John Hunt Morgan John Hunt Morgan (June 1, 1825 – September 4, 1864) was a Confederate general and cavalry officer in the American Civil War. ... John Singleton Mosby John Singleton Mosby (December 6, 1833 – May 30, 1916), also known as the Gray Ghost, was a Confederate partisan Ranger (guerrilla fighter) in the American Civil War. ... General Price Sterling Old Pap Price (September 20, 1809 – September 29, 1867) was an antebellum politician from the U.S. state of Missouri and a Confederate major general during the American Civil War. ... William Clark Quantrill of Quantrills Raiders William Clarke Quantrill (July 31, 1837 – June 6, 1865), was a Confederate guerrilla leader during the American Civil War. ... Raphael Semmes (September 27, 1809 – August 30, 1877) was an officer in the United States Navy from 1826 to 1860 and the Confederate States Navy from 1860 to 1865. ... Portrait of Edmund Kirby Smith during the Civil War Edmund Kirby Smith (May 16, 1824 – March 28, 1893) was a career U.S. Army officer, an educator, and a general in the Confederate Army during the American Civil War, notable for his command of the Trans-Mississippi Department of the... James Ewell Brown Stuart (February 6, 1833 – May 12, 1864) was an American soldier from Virginia and a Confederate Army general during the American Civil War. ... Richard Taylor Richard Taylor (January 27, 1826 – April 12, 1879) was a Confederate general in the American Civil War. ... Joseph Wheeler Joseph Wheeler (September 10, 1836 – January 25, 1906) was an American military commander and politician. ... Judah Philip Benjamin (August 6, 1811 – May 6, 1884) was an American politician and lawyer. ... For other uses, see Jefferson Davis (disambiguation). ... Stephen Russell Mallory (c. ... James Seddon James Alexander SeddonBorn 9/1/1988 James seddon is a pupil at sutton high and isnt a very good one. ... This is an article about the Confederate Vice President. ... Anderson after the War Robert Anderson (June 14, 1805 – October 26, 1871) was a Union Army officer in the American Civil War, known for his command of Fort Sumter at the start of the war. ... Don Carlos Buell Don Carlos Buell (March 23, 1818 – November 19, 1898) was a career U.S. Army officer who fought in the Seminole War, the Mexican-American War, and the Civil War. ... Benjamin Franklin Butler (November 5, 1818 – January 11, 1893) was an American lawyer and politician who represented Massachusetts in the United States House of Representatives and later served as its governor. ... Ambrose Everett Burnside (May 23, 1824 – September 13, 1881) was an American railroad executive, inventor, industrialist, and politician from Rhode Island, serving as governor and a U.S. Senator. ... Samuel Francis du Pont by Daniel Huntington 1867-68, oil on canvas National Portrait Gallery, Washington, DC Samuel Francis du Pont (September 27, 1803 – June 23, 1865) was an officer in the United States Navy who achieved the rank of rear admiral. ... David Glasgow Farragut (July 5, 1801 – August 14, 1870) was the first senior officer of the U.S. Navy during the American Civil War. ... Image:Brandon Roseli. ... Ulysses S. Grant,[2] born Hiram Ulysses Grant (April 27, 1822 – July 23, 1885), was an American general and the eighteenth President of the United States (1869–1877). ... Henry Wager Halleck (1815 - 1872) was an American soldier and politician. ... Joseph Hooker (November 13, 1814 – October 31, 1879), known as Fighting Joe, was a career U.S. Army officer and a major general in the Union Army during the American Civil War. ... Henry Jackson Hunt during the Civil War Henry Jackson Hunt (September 14, 1819 – February 11, 1889) was Chief of Artillery in the Army of the Potomac during the American Civil War. ... For the 1960s commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, see George McClellan (police commissioner). ... General Irvin McDowell Irvin McDowell (October 15, 1818 – May 4, 1885) was an American military officer, famous for his participation in the American Civil War. ... George Gordon Meade (December 31, 1815 – November 6, 1872) was a career U.S. Army officer and civil engineer involved in coastal construction, including several lighthouses. ... Montgomery C. Meigs Montgomery Cunningham Meigs (IPA: ) (May 3, 1816 – January 2, 1892) was a career U.S. Army officer, civil engineer, construction engineer for a number of facilities in Washington, D.C., and Quartermaster General of the U.S. Army during and after the American Civil War. ... Major General John Pope John Pope (March 18, 1822 – September 23, 1892) was a career Army officer and general in the American Civil War. ... Portrait of David Dixon Porter during the Civil War David Dixon Porter (June 8, 1813 – February 13, 1891) was a United States admiral who became one of the most noted naval heroes of the Civil War. ... William Starke Rosecrans (September 6, 1819 – March 11, 1898) was an inventor, coal-oil company executive, diplomat, politician, and U.S. Army officer. ... For other uses of Winfield Scott, see Winfield Scott (disambiguation). ... Philip Henry Sheridan (March 6, 1831 – August 5, 1888) was a career U.S. Army officer and a Union general in the American Civil War. ... “General Sherman” redirects here. ... General George H. Thomas George Henry Thomas (July 31, 1816 – March 28, 1870), the Rock of Chickamauga, was a career U.S. Army officer and a Union general during the American Civil War. ... Charles Francis Adams (August 18, 1807, Boston - November 21, 1886, Boston), the son of John Quincy Adams and Louisa Adams, was an American lawyer, politician, diplomat and writer. ... Salmon Portland Chase (January 13, 1808 – May 7, 1873) was an American politician and jurist in the Civil War era who served as Senator from Ohio, Governor of Ohio, as U.S. Treasury Secretary under President Abraham Lincoln, and Chief Justice of the United States. ... This article is about John Ericsson, the Swedish-American inventor. ... For other uses, see Abraham Lincoln (disambiguation). ... Portrait of Allan Pinkerton from Harpers Weekly, 1884 Allan Pinkerton (August 25, 1819 – July 1, 1884) was a U.S. detective and spy, best known for creating the Pinkerton Agency, the first detective agency of the United States. ... William Henry Seward, Sr. ... The Running Machine An 1864 cartoon featuring Stanton, William Fessenden, Abraham Lincoln, William Seward and Gideon Welles takes a swing at the Lincoln administration. ... Thaddeus Stevens (April 4, 1792 – August 11, 1868), was one of the most powerful members of the United States House of Representatives, representing the state of Pennsylvania. ... Benjamin Franklin Bluff Wade (October 27, 1800 – March 2, 1878) was a U.S. lawyer and United States Senator. ... Gideon Welles (July 1, 1802–February 11, 1878) was the United States Secretary of the Navy from 1861 to 1869, including the entire duration of the American Civil War: his dedication to naval blockades was one of the key reasons for the Norths victory over the South. ... Amendment XIII in the National Archives The Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution officially abolished, and continues to prohibit slavery and, with limited exceptions (those convicted of a crime), prohibits involuntary servitude. ... Amendment XIV in the National Archives The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (Amendment XIV) is one of the post-Civil War amendments (known as the Reconstruction Amendments), first intended to secure rights for former slaves. ... Amendment XV in the National Archives 1870 celebration of the 15th amendment as a guarantee of African American rights 1867 drawing depicting the first vote by African Americans Amendment XV (the Fifteenth Amendment) of the United States Constitution provides that governments in the United States may not prevent a citizen... During the American Civil War, Confederate States of America raiders (the most famous being the CSS Alabama) were built in Britain and did significant damage to Union naval forces. ... In United States history, carpetbaggers were Northerners who moved to the South during Reconstruction between 1865 and 1877. ... A Bureau agent stands between an armed group of Southern whites and a group of freed slaves in this 1868 picture from Harpers Weekly On March 3, 1865, Congress established the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, also known as the Freedmens Bureau, was a federal agency that... Manifestations Slavery Racial profiling Lynching Hate speech Hate crime Genocide (examples) Ethnocide Ethnic cleansing Pogrom Race war Religious persecution Gay bashing Blood libel Paternalism Police brutality Movements Policies Discriminatory Race / Religion / Sex segregation Apartheid Redlining Internment Anti-discriminatory Emancipation Civil rights Desegregation Integration Equal opportunity Counter-discriminatory Affirmative action Racial... Members of the second Ku Klux Klan at a rally during the 1920s. ... For other uses, see Reconstruction (disambiguation). ... We dont have an article called Redeemers Start this article Search for Redeemers in. ... The state of Alabama was a part of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War after seceding from the United States of America on January 11, 1861. ... The Arizona Territory was disputed during the American Civil War, with both the slave-holding Confederate States of America and the United States Federal government claiming ownership and territorial rights. ... The state of Arkansas was a part of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War, and provided a source of troops, supplies, and military and political leaders for the fledgling country. ... Californias involvement in the American Civil War included sending gold east, recruiting or funding a limited number of combat units, maintaining numerous fortifications, and sending east some soldiers who became famous. ... The Colorado Territory was formally created in 1861 shortly before the attack on Fort Sumter sparked the American Civil War. ... President Lincoln insisted that construction of the U.S. Capitol continue during the Civil War. ... The Battle of Olustee was the only major Civil War battle fought in Florida. ... On January 18, 1861, Georgia seceded from the Union, keeping the name State of Georgia and joined the newly-formed Confederacy in February. ... Illinois infantry regimental flag (77th IL is shown) The state of Illinois during the American Civil War was a major source of troops for the Union army (particularly for those armies serving in the Western Theater), as well as military supplies, food, and clothing. ... The state of Iowa played a role during the American Civil War in providing food, supplies, and troops for the Union army, although its contribution was overshadowed by larger and more populated eastern states. ... At the commencement of the Civil War, the Kansas government had no well-organized militia, no arms, accoutrements or supplies, nothing with which to meet the demands, except the united will of officials and citizens. ... Kentucky was a border state of key importance in the American Civil War. ... The state of Louisiana during the American Civil War was a part of the Confederate States of America. ... See also: American Civil War and Origins of the American Civil War Maryland, a slave state, was one of the border states, straddling the North and South. ... William Lloyd Garrison In the years leading up to the American Civil War, Massachusetts was a center of abolitionist activity within the United States. ... Michigan made a substantial contribution to the Union during the American Civil War. ... Mississippi was the second state to secede from the Union on January 9, 1861. ... Division of the states during the Civil War:  Union states  Union territories  Border states  Bleeding Kansas  The Confederacy  Confederate territories (not always held) Missouri in the Civil War was a border state that sent men, generals, and supplies to both opposing sides, had its star on both flags, had state... George B. McClellan The state of New Jersey in the United States provided a source of troops, equipment and leaders for the Union during the American Civil War. ... As the main route to California, the New Mexico Territory was disputed territory during the American Civil War, resulting in settlers in the region carved out by the Gadsden Purchase willingly joining the Confederate States of America, while much of the rest of the present day state of New Mexico... The Southern United States state of North Carolina provided an important source of soldiers, supplies, and war materiel to the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War. ... During the American Civil War, the State of Ohio played a key role in providing troops, military officers, and supplies to the Union army. ... State Flag of Pennsylvania During the American Civil War, the commonwealth of Pennsylvania played a critical role in the Union, providing a huge supply of military manpower, materiel, and leadership to the Federal government. ... South Carolina had long before the American Civil War been a region that heavily supported individual states rights and the institution of slavery. ... The American Civil War, to a large extent, was fought in cities and farms of Tennessee—only Virginia had more battles. ... Texas seceded from the United States on February 1, 1861, and joined the Confederate States of America on March 2, 1861, replacing its governor, Sam Houston, when he refused to take an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. ... Virginia began a convention about secession on February 13, 1861 after six states seceded to form the Confederate States of America on February 4. ... Flag of Vermont During the American Civil War, the State of Vermont continued the military tradition started by the Green Mountain Boys of Revolutionary War fame, contributing a significant portion of their eligible men to the war effort. ... West Virginia was formed and added to the Union as a direct result of the American Civil War (see History of West Virginia). ... With the outbreak of the American Civil War, the northwestern state of Wisconsin raised 91,200 soldiers for the Union Army, organized into 53 infantry regiments, 4 cavalry regiments, a company of Berdan’s sharpshooters, 13 light artillery batteries and 1 unit of heavy artillery. ... Woodblock sketch of Lowes balloon with McClellans Army of the Potomac as depicted in Harpers Weekly. ... For other uses, see Bushwhackers (disambiguation). ... U.S. Army Cavalry Sergeant, 1866 Cavalry was a branch of army service in a process of transition during the American Civil War. ... M1857 Napoleon at Stones River battlefield cemetery. ... Military leadership in the American Civil War was influenced by professional military education and the hard-earned pragmatism of command experience. ... Naval battles of the American Civil War were a common occurrence just as they are with many wars. ... The Official Records of the American Civil War or often more simply the Official Records or ORs, constitute a unique, authentic, and comprehensive collection of first-hand accounts, orders, reports, and correspondence drawn from War and Navy Department records of both Confederate and Union governments during the American Civil War. ... U.S. Army Signal Corps station on Elk Mountain, Maryland, overlooking the Antietam battlefield. ... The Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War was a United States Congressional investigating committee created to handle issues surrounding the American Civil War. ... The Copperheads were a faction of Democrats in the North (see also Union (American Civil War)) who opposed the American Civil War, wanting an immediate peace settlement with the Confederates. ... A political general was a general without significant military experience who was given a high position in command due to political connections or to appease certain political blocks. ... Frémont (left), 1856 Republican parade banner The Radical Republicans were the remaining faction of American politicians within the Republican party during the American Civil War and Reconstruction following an 1864 exodus of pro-Lincoln Republicans into the creation of the National Union Party. ... James Murray Mason John Slidell The Trent Affair, also known as the Mason and Slidell Affair, was an international diplomatic incident that occurred during the American Civil War. ... War Democrats were those who broke with the majority of the Democratic Party and supported the military policies of President Abraham Lincoln during the American Civil War of 1861-1865. ... This is a timeline of significant events leading to the American Civil War. ... This is a list of topics relating to the American Civil War. ... There have been numerous alternative names for the American Civil War that reflect the historical, political, and cultural sensitivities of different groups and regions. ... Combatants Anti-Union rioters United States of America Commanders Unknown John E. Wool Casualties 100 civilians The New York Draft Riots (July 13 to July 16, 1863; known at the time as Draft Week[1]) were a series of violent disturbances in New York City that were the culmination of... Two photographers having lunch in the Bull Run area before the second battle, 1862. ... Confederate railroads During the American Civil War, the Confederacy depended heavily on railroads to get supplies to their lines. ... A number of cases were tried before the Supreme Court of the United States during the period of the American Civil War. ... There is widespread disagreement over the turning point of the American Civil War. ... Wikipedia does not have an article with this exact name. ... Image File history File links Wikibooks-logo. ... Image File history File links Wikiquote-logo. ... Image File history File links Wikisource-logo. ... Image File history File links Commons-logo. ... Image File history File links WikiNews-Logo. ...

Notes

  1. ^ David Potter, The Impending Crisis, pages 42-50
  2. ^ The Amistad Case. National Portrait Gallery. Retrieved on 2007-10-16.
  3. ^ McPherson, Battle Cry p. 8; James Brewer Stewart, Holy Warriors: The Abolitionists and American Slavery (1976); Pressly, 270ff
  4. ^ Wendell Phillips, "No Union With Slaveholders," Jan. 15, 1845, in Louis Ruchames, ed. The Abolitionists (1963) p. 196.
  5. ^ Mason I Lowance, Against Slavery: An Abolitionist Reader, (2000), page 26
  6. ^ Abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison Admits of No Compromise with the Evil of Slavery. Retrieved on 2007-10-16.
  7. ^ Alexander Stephen's Cornerstone Speech, Savannah; Georgia, March 21, 1861
  8. ^ James McPherson, "Antebellum Southern Exceptionalism: A New Look at an Old Question," Civil War History 29 (Sept. 1983)
  9. ^ "Conflict and Collaboration: Yeomen, Slaveholders, and Politics in the Antebellum South," Social History 10 (Oct. 1985): 273-98. quote at p. 297.
  10. ^ Thornton, Politics and Power in a Slave Society: Alabama, 1800-1860 (Louisiana State University Press, 1978)
  11. ^ Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War, page 59
  12. ^ Schlessinger quotes from an essay “The State Rights Fetish” excerpted in Stampp p. 70
  13. ^ Schlessinger in Stampp pp. 68-69
  14. ^ McDonald p. 143
  15. ^ Kenneth M. Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War, page 14
  16. ^ Nevins, Ordeal of the Union: Fruits of Manifest Destiny 1847–1852, page 155
  17. ^ Ellis, Richard E. The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights, and the Nullification Crisis (1987), page 193; Freehling, William W. Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816-1836. (1965), page 257
  18. ^ Ellis p. 193. Ellis further notes that “Calhoun and the nullifiers were not the first southerners to link slavery with states’ rights. At various points in their careers, John Taylor, John Randolph, and Nathaniel Macon had warned that giving too much power to the federal government, especially on such an open-ended issue as internal improvement, could ultimately provide it with the power to emancipate slaves against their owners’ wishes.”
  19. ^ Donald, Baker, and Holt p. 117
  20. ^ When arguing for the equality of states, Jefferson Davis said, "Who has been in advance of him in the fiery charge on the rights of the States, and in assuming to the Federal Government the power to crush and to coerce them? Even to-day he has repeated his doctrines. He tells us this is a Government which we will learn is not merely a Government of the States, but a Government of each individual of the people of the United States". - Jefferson Davis' reply in the Senate to William H. Seward, Senate Chamber, U.S. Capitol, February 29, 1860, From The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Volume 6, pp. 277-84. Transcribed from the Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 916–18.
  21. ^ When arguing against equality of individuals, Davis said, "We recognize the fact of the inferiority stamped upon that race of men by the Creator, and from the cradle to the grave, our Government, as a civil institution, marks that inferiority". - Jefferson Davis' reply in the Senate to William H. Seward, Senate Chamber, U.S. Capitol, February 29, 1860, - From The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Volume 6, pp. 277-84. Transcribed from the Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 916–18.
  22. ^ Jefferson Davis' Second Inaugural Address, Virginia Capitol, Richmond, February 22, 1862 Transcribed from Dunbar Rowland, ed., Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist, Volume 5, pp. 198–203. Summarized in The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Volume 8, p. 55.
  23. ^ Lawrence Keitt, Congressman from South Carolina, in a speech to the House on January 25, 1860: Congressional Globe.
  24. ^ Stampp, The Causes of the Civil War, pages 63–65
  25. ^ William C. Davis, Look Away, pages 97–98
  26. ^ a b James McPherson, "Antebellum Southern Exceptionalism: A New Look at an Old Question," Civil War History 29 (Sept. 1983)
  27. ^ Leah S. Glaser, "United States Expansion, 1800-1860"
  28. ^ Richard J. Ellis, Reviewed of The Shaping of American Liberalism: The Debates over Ratification, Nullification, and Slavery. by David F. Ericson, The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 51, No. 4 (Oct., 1994), pp. 826-829
  29. ^ John Tyler, Life Before the Presidency
  30. ^ Jane H. Pease, William H. Pease, "The Economics and Politics of Charleston's Nullification Crisis" The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Aug., 1981), pp. 335-362
  31. ^ Huston p. 41. Huston writes, "...on at least three matters southerners were united. First, slaves were property. Second, the sanctity of southerners' property rights in slaves was beyond the questioning of anyone inside or outside of the South. Third, slavery was the only means of adjusting social relations properly between Europeans and Africans."
  32. ^ Brinkley, Alan (1986). American History: A Survey. New York: McGraw-Hill, 328. 
  33. ^ Moore, Barrington (1966). Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. New York: Beacon Press, 117. 
  34. ^ North, Douglas C. (1961). The Economic Growth of the United States 1790-1860. Englewood Cliffs, 130. 
  35. ^ a b c d e f Noll, Mark A. (2002). America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln. Oxford University Press, 640. 
  36. ^ Noll, Mark A. (2006). The Civil War as a Theological Crisis. UNC Press, 216. 
  37. ^ Hull, William E. (February 2003). "Learning the Lessons of Slavery". Christian Ethics Today 9 (43). Retrieved on 2007-12-19. 
  38. ^ Methodist Episcopal Church, South
  39. ^ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Baptists#Birth_pains
  40. ^ Presbyterian Church in the United States
  41. ^ Gaustad, Edwin S. (1982). A Documentary History of Religion in America to the Civil War. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 491-502. 
  42. ^ Johnson, Paul (1976). History of Christianity. Simon & Schuster, 438. 
  43. ^ Miller, Randall M.; Stout, Harry S.; Wilson, Charles Reagan, eds. (1998). Religion and the American Civil War. Oxford University Press, 62. 
  44. ^ Donald, David; Randal, J.G. (1961). The Civil War and Reconstruction. Boston: D.C. Health and Company, 79. 
  45. ^ Allan, Nevins (1947). Ordeal of the Union (vol. 3) III. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 218. 
  46. ^ Moore, Barrington. p. 122.
  47. ^ McPherson (2007) pp. 4-7. McPherson wrote, in referring to the Progressive historians, the Vanderbilt agrarians, and revisionists writing in the 1940s, “While one or more of these interpretations remain popular among the Sons of Confederate Veterans and other Southern heritage groups, few historians now subscribe to them.”
  48. ^ Craig in Woodworth, ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), p. 505
  49. ^ Donald 2001 pp 134-38[Quotation needed from source]
  50. ^ Huston pp. 24-25. Huston lists other estimates of the value of slaves -- James D. B. De Bow puts it at $2,000,000,000 in 1850 while Governor James Pettus of Mississippi in 1858 estimated the value at $2,600,000,000.
  51. ^ Huston p. 25
  52. ^ Woodworth, ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), 145 151 505 512 554 557 684; Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (1969); for one dissenter see Marc Egnal. "The Beards Were Right: Parties in the North, 1840-1860". Civil War History 47, no. 1. (2001): 30-56.
  53. ^ Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union: Essays on the Background of the Civil War (1981) p 198
  54. ^ Also from Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union p 198

    Most historians...now see no compelling reason why the divergent economies of the North and South should have led to disunion and civil war; rather, they find stronger practical reasons why the sections, whose economies neatly complemented one another, should have found it advantageous to remain united. Beard oversimplified the controversies relating to federal economic policy, for neither section unanimously supported or opposed measures such as the protective tariff, appropriations for internal improvements, or the creation of a national banking system.... During the 1850s, Federal economic policy gave no substantial cause for southern disaffection, for policy was largely determined by pro-Southern Congresses and administrations. Finally, the characteristic posture of the conservative northeastern business community was far from anti-Southern. Most merchants, bankers, and manufacturers were outspoken in their hostility to antislavery agitation and eager for sectional compromise in order to maintain their profitable business connections with the South. The conclusion seems inescapable that if economic differences, real though they were, had been all that troubled relations between North and South, there would be no substantial basis for the idea of an irrepressible conflict. Year 2007 (MMVII) is the current year, a common year starting on Monday of the Gregorian calendar and the AD/CE era in the 21st century. ... is the 289th day of the year (290th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Year 2007 (MMVII) is the current year, a common year starting on Monday of the Gregorian calendar and the AD/CE era in the 21st century. ... is the 289th day of the year (290th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... is the 80th day of the year (81st in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Year 1861 (MDCCCLXI) was a common year starting on Tuesday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar (or a common year starting on Sunday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ... John Taylor (December 19, 1753-August 21, 1824) of Caroline County, Virginia was a politician and writer. ... John Randolph (June 2, 1773 – May 24, 1833), known as John Randolph of Roanoke[1], was a leader in Congress from Virginia and spokesman for the Old Republican or Quids faction of the Democratic-Republican Party that wanted to restrict the federal governments roles. ... Nathaniel Macon (December 17, 1758 – June 29, 1837) was a spokesman for the Old Republican faction of the Democratic-Republican Party that wanted to strictly limit the federal government. ... February 29 is a day added into a leap year of the Gregorian calendar. ... 1860 is the leap year starting on Sunday. ... February 29 is a day added into a leap year of the Gregorian calendar. ... 1860 is the leap year starting on Sunday. ... is the 53rd day of the year in the Gregorian calendar. ... This article is about 1862 . ... is the 25th day of the year in the Gregorian calendar. ... 1860 is the leap year starting on Sunday. ... Year 2007 (MMVII) is the current year, a common year starting on Monday of the Gregorian calendar and the AD/CE era in the 21st century. ... is the 353rd day of the year (354th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... The Methodist Episcopal Church, South was the so-called Southern Methodist Church resulting from the split in the Methodist Episcopal Church which had been brewing over several years until it came out into the open at a conference held in Louisville, Kentucky in 1845. ... The Presbyterian Church in the United States was the Southern branch of Presbyterianism in America. ...

  55. ^ James McPherson, Antebellum Southern Exceptionalism: A New Look at an Old Question Civil War History - Volume 50, Number 4, December 2004, page 421
  56. ^ Richard Hofstadter, "The Tariff Issue on the Eve of the Civil War", The American Historical Review Vol. 44, No. 1 (1938), pp. 50-55 full text in JSTOR
  57. ^ John Calhoun, Slavery a Positive Good, February 6, 1837 [1]
  58. ^ Letter to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862

References

  • Donald, David Herbert, Baker, Jean Harvey, and Holt, Michael F. The Civil War and Reconstruction. (2001)
  • Ellis, Richard E. The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights and the Nullification Crisis. (1987)
  • Freehling, William W. and Craig M. Simpson, eds. Secession Debated: Georgia's Showdown in 1860 (1992), speeches
  • Hesseltine; William B. ed. The Tragic Conflict: The Civil War and Reconstruction (1962), primary documents
  • McDonald, Forrest. States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio, 1776-1876. (2000)
  • McPherson, James M. This Mighty Scorge:Perspectives on the Civil War. (2007)
  • Perman, Michael, ed. Major Problems in Civil War & Reconstruction (2nd ed. 1998) primary and secondary sources.
  • Stampp, Kenneth, ed. The Causes of the Civil War (3rd ed 1992), primary and secondary sources.
  • Wakelyn; Jon L. ed. Southern Pamphlets on Secession, November 1860-April 1861 (1996)

Further reading

Historiography

  • Beale, Howard K., "What Historians Have Said About the Causes of the Civil War," Social Science Research Bulletin 54, 1946.
  • Boritt, Gabor S. ed. Why the Civil War Came (1996)
  • Crofts Daniel. Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis (1989), pp 353-82 and 457-80
  • Foner, Eric. "The Causes of the American Civil War: Recent Interpretations and New Directions." In Beyond the Civil War Synthesis: Political Essays of the Civil War Era, edited by Robert P. Swieringa. 1975.
  • Kornblith, Gary J., "Rethinking the Coming of the Civil War: A Counterfactual Exercise". Journal of American History 90.1 (2003): 80 pars. detailed historiography; online version
  • Pressly, Thomas. Americans Interpret Their Civil War (1966), sorts historians into schools of interpretation
  • SenGupta, Gunja. “Bleeding Kansas: A Review Essay.” Kansas History 24 (Winter 2001/2002): 318-341.
  • Woodworth, Steven E. ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996), 750 pages of historiography; see part IV on Causation.

Needless war school

  • Craven, Avery, The Repressible Conflict, 1830-61 (1939)
    • The Coming of the Civil War (1942)
    • , "The Coming of the War Between the States," Journal of Southern History 2 (August 1936): 30-63; in JSTOR
  • Donald, David. "An Excess of Democracy: The Civil War and the Social Process" in David Donald, Lincoln Reconsidered: Essays on the Civil War Era, 2d ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), 209-35.
  • Holt, Michael F. The Political Crisis of the 1850s. (1978) emphasis on political parties and voters
  • Randall, James G. "A Blundering Generation," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 27 (June 1940): 3-28 in JSTOR
  • James G. Randall. The Civil War and Reconstruction. (1937), survey and statement of "needless war" interpretation
  • Pressly, Thomas J. "The Repressible Conflict," chapter 7 of Americans Interpret Their Civil War (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954).
  • Ramsdell, Charles W. "The Natural Limits of Slavery Expansion," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 16 (Sept. 1929), 151-71, in JSTOR says slavery had almost reached its outer limits of growth by 1860, so war was unnecessary to stop further growth. online version

Economic causation and modernization

  • Beard, Charles, and Mary Beard. The Rise of American Civilization. Two volumes. (1927), says slavery was minor factor
  • Huston, James L. Calculating the Value of the Union: Slavery, Property Rights, and the Economic Origins of the Civil War. (2003)
  • Luraghi, Raimondo, "The Civil War and the Modernization of American Society: Social Structure and Industrial Revolution in the Old South Before and During the War," Civil War History XVIII (Sept. 1972). in JSTOR
  • McPherson, James M. Ordeal by Fire: the Civil War and Reconstruction. (1982), uses modernization interpretation.
  • Moore, Barrington. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. (1966). modernization interpretation
  • Thornton, Mark; Ekelund, Robert B. Tariffs, Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil War. (2004), stresses fear of future protective tariffs

Charles Austin Beard (November 27, 1874 - September 1, 1948) was, (along with Frederick Jackson Turner) the most influential American historian of the early 20th century. ... Mark Thornton Mark Thornton is an famous Harry Potter conspirator who adheres to the principles of the Fawkes as Horcrux Thornton received his B.S. from St. ...

Nationalism and culture

  • Crofts Daniel. Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis (1989)
  • Current, Richard. Lincoln and the First Shot (1963)
  • Nevins, Allan, author of most detailed history
    • Ordeal of the Union 2 vols. (1947) covers 1850-57.
    • The Emergence of Lincoln, 2 vols. (1950) covers 1857-61; does not take strong position on causation
  • Olsen, Christopher J. Political Culture and Secession in Mississippi: Masculinity, Honor, and the Antiparty Tradition, 1830-1860" (2000), cultural interpretation
  • Potter, David The Impending Crisis 1848-1861. (1976), Pulitzer Prize-winning history emphasizing rise of Southern nationalism
  • Potter, David M. Lincoln and His Party in the Secession Crisis (1942).
  • Miller, Randall M., Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson, eds. Religion and the American Civil War (1998), essays

Joseph Allan Nevins (May 20, 1890 - March 5, 1971) was an educator, historian, and author and journalist. ...

Slavery causation

  • Ashworth, John
    • Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic. (1995)
    • "Free labor, wage labor, and the slave power: republicanism and the Republican party in the 1850s," in Melvyn Stokes and Stephen Conway (eds), The Market Revolution in America: Social, Political and Religious Expressions, 1800-1880, pp. 128-46. (1996)
  • Donald, David et al. The Civil War and Reconstruction (latest edition 2001); 700-page survey
  • Fellman, Michael et al. This Terrible War: The Civil War and its Aftermath (2003), 400-page survey
  • Foner, Eric
    • Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: the Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War. (1970, 1995) stress on ideology
    • Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press. (1981)
  • Freehling, William W. The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776-1854 1991., emphasis on slavery
  • Gienapp William E. The Origins of the Republican Party, 1852-1856 (1987)
  • McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. (1988)], major overview, neoabolitionist emphasis on slavery
  • Morrison, Michael. Slavery and the American West: The Eclipse of Manifest Destiny and the Coming of the Civil War (1997)
  • Ralph E. Morrow. "The Proslavery Argument Revisited," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 48, No. 1. (Jun., 1961), pp. 79-94. in JSTOR
  • Rhodes, James Ford History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the McKinley-Bryan Campaign of 1896 Volume: 1. (1920), highly detailed narrative 1850-56. vol 2 1856-60; empasis on slavery
  • Schlesinger, Arthur Jr. "The Causes of the Civil War" (1949) reprinted in his The Politics of Hope (1963); reintroduced new emphasis on slavery
  • Stampp, Kenneth M. America in 1857: A Nation on the Brink (1990)
  • Stampp, Kenneth M. And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 (1950).

Eric Foner (born February 7, 1943 in New York City) is an American historian. ... Arthur Meier Schlesinger, Jr. ...

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