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Encyclopedia > Ketuanan Melayu
United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) Youth Chief Hishammuddin Hussein brandishing the kris (dagger), an action seen by some as a defense of ketuanan Melayu.
United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) Youth Chief Hishammuddin Hussein brandishing the kris (dagger), an action seen by some as a defense of ketuanan Melayu.
Part of a series of articles on
Discrimination
General forms

Racism · Sexism · Ageism · Religious intolerance · Xenophobia Image File history File links Hisham_Keris. ... Image File history File links Hisham_Keris. ... Sang Saka Bangsa The United Malays National Organisation, or UMNO, (Malay: Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu), is the right-Wing and the largest political party in Malaysia and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has ruled the country uninterruptedly since its independence. ... Dato Seri Hishammuddin Bin Tun Hussein is a Malaysian politician and member of United Malays National Organization (UMNO). ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... This box:      Most broadly, discrimination is the discernment of qualities and rejection of subjects with undesirable qualities. ... Racism is the prejudice that members of one race are intrinsically superior or inferior to members of other races. ... This box:      The sign of the headquarters of the National Association Opposed To Woman Suffrage Sexism is commonly considered to be discrimination and/or hatred against people based on their sex rather than their individual merits, but can also refer to any and all systemic differentiations based on the sex... Look up ageism in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ... Religious intolerance is either intolerance motivated by ones own religious beliefs or intolerance against anothers religious beliefs or practices. ... Look up xenophobia in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ...

Specific forms

Social
Ableism · Adultism · Biphobia · Classism · Elitism · Ephebiphobia · Gerontophobia · Heightism · Heterosexism · Homophobia · Lesbophobia · Lookism · Misandry · Misogyny · Pediaphobia · Sizeism · Transphobia Ableism is a term used to describe discrimination against people with disabilities in favor of people who are able-bodied. ... Adultism is a predisposition towards adults, which some see as biased against children, youth, and all young people who arent addressed or viewed as adults. ... Biphobia is the fear of, discrimination against, or hatred of bisexuals (although in practice it extends to pansexual people too). ... Classism (a term formed by analogy with racism) is any form of prejudice or oppression against people who are in, or who are perceived as being like those who are in, a lower social class (especially in the form of lower or higher socioeconomic status) within a class society. ... Elitism is the belief or attitude that the people who are considered to be the elite — a selected group of persons with outstanding personal abilities, wealth, specialised training or experience, or other distinctive attributes — are the people whose views on a matter are to be taken the most seriously, or... Ephebiphobia (from Greek ephebos έφηβος = teenager, underage adolescent and fobos φόβος = fear, phobia), also known as hebephobia (from Greek hebe = youth), denotes both the irrational fear of teenagers or of adolescence, and the prejudice against teenagers or underage adolescents. ... This article or section is in need of attention from an expert on the subject. ... This box:      Heightism is a form of discrimination based on height. ... Heterosexism is the presumption that everyone is straight or heterosexual (i. ... A protest by The Westboro Baptist Church; a group identified by the Anti-Defamation League as virulently homophobic. ... Lesbophobia (sometimes Lesbiphobia) is a term which describes prejudice, discrimination, harassment or abuse, either specifically targeting a lesbian person, based on their lesbian identity, or, more generally, targetting lesbians as a class. ... Lookism is discrimination against or prejudice towards others based on their appearance. ... Look up Misandry in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ... This box:      Misogyny (IPA: ) is hatred or strong prejudice against women; an antonym of philogyny. ... Fear of children and/or infants or childhood is alternately called pedophobia or pediaphobia. ... The fat acceptance movement, also referred to as the fat liberation movement, is a grass-roots effort to change societal attitudes about fat people. ... Manifestations Slavery · Racial profiling · Lynching Hate speech · Hate crime · Hate groups Genocide · Holocaust · Pogrom Ethnocide · Ethnic cleansing · Race war Religious persecution · Gay bashing Pedophobia · Ephebiphobia Movements Discriminatory Aryanism · Neo-Nazism · Supremacism Kahanism Anti-discriminatory Abolitionism · Civil rights LGBT rights Womens/Universal suffrage · Feminism Mens/Fathers rights · Masculinism Children...

Against cultures:

Americans · Arabs · Armenians · Australians · Canadians · Catalans · Chinese · English · Europeans · French · Germans · Indians · Iranians · Irish · Italians · Japanese · Jews · Malay · Mexicans · Pakistanis · Poles · Portuguese · Quebecers · Roma · Romanians · Russians · Serbs · Turks Anti-Arabism is a term that refers to prejudice or hostility against people from Arabic origin. ... Anti-Catalanism is the collective name given to various political attitudes in Spain. ... This article or section needs a complete rewrite for the reasons listed on the talk page. ... Anti-Europeanism is opposition or hostility toward the governments, culture, or people of the countries of Europe. ... This box:      Anti-Malay racism refers to prejudice against ethnic Malays. ... Anti-Quebec sentiment is opposition or hostility toward the government, culture, or people of Quebec, that is French-Canadians, English Quebecers and people from other origins. ... Antiziganism or Anti-Romanyism is hostility, prejudice or racism directed at the Romani people, commonly called Gypsies. ... Serbs rule ...

Against beliefs:

Atheism · Bahá'í · Catholicism · Christianity · Hinduism · Judaism · Mormonism · Islam · Neopaganism · Protestantism · Many atheists have experienced discrimination, mainly from religious entities. ... The persecution of Baháís refers to the religious persecution of Baháís in various countries, especially in Iran, the nation of origin of the Baháí Faith, Irans largest religious minority and the location of one of the largest Baháí populations in the world. ... Anti-Catholicism is discrimination, hostility or prejudice directed at Catholics or the Catholic Church. ... This box:      Anti-Christian discrimination, anti-Christian prejudice, Christianophobia or Christophobia is a negative categorical bias against Christians or the religion of Christianity. ... Anti-Hindu prejudice is a negative perception against the practice and practitioners of Hinduism. ... Antisemitism (alternatively spelled anti-semitism or anti-Semitism) is discrimination, hostility or prejudice directed at Jews. ... An anti-Mormon political cartoon from the late nineteenth century. ... This box:      Islamophobia is a criticized[1][2] though increasingly accepted[3][4] term that refers to prejudice or discrimination against Islam or Muslims. ... Religious discrimination against adherents of various neopagan denominations. ... Anti-Protestantism is an institutional, ideological or emotional bias against Protestantism and its followers. ...

Manifestations

Slavery · Racial profiling · Lynching · Hate speech · Hate crime · Genocide · Ethnocide · Ethnic cleansing · Pogrom · Race war · Religious persecution · Gay bashing · The Holocaust · Armenian Genocide · Blood libel · Black Legend · Paternalism · Police brutality Slave redirects here. ... Racial profiling, also known as ethnic profiling, is the inclusion of racial or ethnic characteristics in determining whether a person is considered likely to commit a particular type of crime (see Offender Profiling). ... Lynching is a form of violence, usually execution, conceived of by its perpetrators as extrajudicial punishment for offenders or as a terrorist method of enforcing social domination. ... Hate speech is a controversial term for speech intended to degrade, intimidate, or incite violence or prejudicial action against a person or group of people based on their race, gender, age, ethnicity, nationality, religion, sexual orientation, gender identity, disability, language ability, moral or political views, socioeconomic class, occupation or appearance... A Jewish cemetery in France after being defaced by Neo-Nazis. ... Genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction of an ethnic or national group. ... Ethnocide is a concept related to genocide; unlike genocide, which has entered into international law, ethnocide remains primarily the province of ethnologists, who have not yet settled on a single cohesive meaning for the term. ... Ethnic cleansing refers to various policies or practices aimed at the displacement of an ethnic group from a particular territory in order to create a supposedly ethnically pure society. ... Pogrom (from Russian: ; from громить IPA: - to wreak havoc, to demolish violently) is a form of riot directed against a particular group, whether ethnic, religious or other, and characterized by destruction of their homes, businesses and religious centres. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... Religious persecution is systematic mistreatment of an individual or group due to their religious affiliation. ... The persecution of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgendered individuals is the practice of attacking a person, usually physically, because they are or are perceived to be lesbian, gay or transgender. ... “Shoah” redirects here. ... Armenian Genocide photo. ... Blood libels are unfounded allegations that a particular group eats people as a form of human sacrifice, often accompanied by the claim of using the blood of their victims in various rituals. ... For other uses, see Black Legend (disambiguation). ... Image of traditional cultural paternalism: Father Junipero Serra in a modern portrayal at Mission San Juan Capistrano, California Paternalism refers usually to an attitude or a policy stemming from the hierarchic pattern of a family based on patriarchy, that is, there is a figurehead (the father, pater in Latin) that... David Kirkwood on the ground after being struck by police batons Police brutality is a term used to describe the excessive use of physical force, assault, verbal attacks, and threats by police officers and other law enforcement officers. ...

Movements

Discriminatory
Aryanism · Hate groups · Kahanism · Ku Klux Klan · Nativism · Neo-Nazism · American Nazi Party · South African National Party · Supremacism · UMNO ·
Anti-discriminatory
Abolitionism · Civil rights · LGBT rights · Women's/Universal suffrage · Feminism · Masculism Men's/Fathers rights
Children's rights · Youth rights · Disability rights · Inclusion · Autistic rights · Equalism Proto-Indo-European Indo-European studies The Aryan race is a notion mentioned in the Old Persian inscriptions and other Persian sources from c. ... A hate group is an organized group or movement that advocates hate, hostility or violence towards a group of people or some organization upon spurious grounds, despite a wider consensus that these people are not necessarily better or worse than any others. ... Speaking: US-born Rabbi Meir Kahane, leader of the Kach party in the Knesset. ... Members of the second Ku Klux Klan at a rally during the 1920s. ... The factual accuracy of this article is disputed. ... The terms Neo-Nazism and Neo-Fascism refer to any social or political movement to revive Nazism or Fascism, respectively, and postdates the Second World War. ... This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... The National Party (Afrikaans: Nasionale Party) (with its members sometimes known as Nationalists or Nats) was the governing party of South Africa from June 4th 1948 until May 9th 1994, and was disbanded in 2005. ... It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with chauvinism. ... Sang Saka Bangsa The United Malays National Organisation, or UMNO, (Malay: Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu), is the right-Wing and the largest political party in Malaysia and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has ruled the country uninterruptedly since its independence. ... This English poster depicting the horrific conditions on slave ships was influential in mobilizing public opinion against slavery. ... Civil rights or positive rights are those legal rights retained by citizens and protected by the government. ... This list indexes the articles on LGBT rights in each country and significant non-country region (e. ... The term womens suffrage refers to an economic and political reform movement aimed at extending suffrage — the right to vote — to women. ... Elections Part of the Politics series Politics Portal This box:      Universal suffrage (also general suffrage or common suffrage) consists of the extension of the right to vote to all adults, without distinction as to race, sex, belief, intelligence, or economic or social status. ... Feminists redirects here. ... Masculism (also referred to as masculinism) is an ideology associated with the mens movement. ... Mens Rights involves the promotion of male equality, rights, and freedoms in society. ... The Fathers rights movement is a loose network of interest groups, primarily in western countries, established to campaign for equal treatment by the courts in family law issues such as child custody after divorce, child support, and paternity determinations. ... The childrens rights movement was born in the 1800s with the orphan train. ... Manifestations Slavery · Racial profiling · Lynching Hate speech · Hate crime · Hate groups Genocide · Holocaust · Pogrom Ethnocide · Ethnic cleansing · Race war Religious persecution · Gay bashing Pedophobia · Ephebiphobia Movements Discriminatory Aryanism · Neo-Nazism · Supremacism Kahanism Anti-discriminatory Abolitionism · Civil rights · Gay rights Womens/Universal suffrage · Mens rights Childrens rights · Youth... The disability rights movement aims to improve the quality of life of people with disabilities. ... Inclusion is a term used by activist people with disabilities and other disability rights advocates for the idea that human beings should freely, openly and happily accommodate any other human being that happens to be differently-abled without question or qualification of any kind. ... This box:      The autism rights movement (which has also been called autistic self-advocacy movement [1] and autistic liberation movement [2]) was started by adult autistic individuals in order to advocate and demand tolerance for what they refer to as neurodiversity. ... Graffiti in Madrid promoting equality, reads todos somos iguales, or we are all equal. Equalism is a name often given to forms of egalitarianism (advocacy of equality) concerned with issues of gender or race. ...

Policies

Discriminatory
Race/Religion/Sex segregation · Apartheid · Redlining · Internment
Anti-discriminatory
Emancipation · Civil rights · Desegregation · Integration
Counter-discriminatory
Affirmative action · Racial quota · Reservation · Reparations · Forced busing · Employment equity (Canada) The Rex Theatre for Colored People Racial segregation is characterised by separation of different races in daily life, such as eating in a restaurant, drinking from a water fountain, using a rest room, attending school, going to the movies, or in the rental or purchase of a home[1]. Segregation... Sex segregation is the separation, or segregation, of people according to sex or gender. ... Segregation means separation. ... A segregated beach in South Africa, 1982. ... For the automotive term, see redline. ... This article is about the usage and history of the terms concentration camp, internment camp and internment. ... For other uses, see Emancipation (disambiguation). ... Civil rights or positive rights are those legal rights retained by citizens and protected by the government. ... Desegregation is the process of ending racial segregation, most commonly used in reference to the United States. ... Children at a parade in North College Hill, Ohio Racial integration, or simply integration includes desegregation (the process of ending systematic racial segregation). ... Affirmative action refers to policies intended to promote access to education or employment aimed at a historically socio-politically non-dominant group (typically, minorities or women). ... Racial quotas in employment and education are numerical requirements for hiring, promoting, admitting and/or graduating members of a particular racial group. ... Reservation in Indian law is a term used to describe the governmental policy whereby a percentage of seats are reserved in the Parliament of India, State Legislative Assemblies, Central and State Civil Services, Public Sector Units, Central and State Governmental Departments and in all Public and Private Educational Institutions, except... In the philosophy of justice, reparation is the idea that a just sentence ought to compensate the victim of a crime appropriately. ... This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... Employment equity refers to Canadian policies that require or encourage preferential treatment in employment practices for certain designated groups: women, people with disabilities, Aboriginal peoples, and visible minorities. ...

Law

Discriminatory
Anti-miscegenation · Anti-immigration · Alien and Sedition Acts · Jim Crow laws · Black codes · Apartheid laws · Ketuanan Melayu · Nuremberg Laws
Anti-discriminatory
List of anti-discrimination acts
14th Amendment · Crime of apartheid
Anti-miscegenation laws (also known as miscegenation laws) were laws that banned interracial marriage and sometimes also interracial sex. ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... ======== many recent edits that had nothing to do with article. ... This box:      The Jim Crow Laws were state and local laws enacted in the Southern and border states of the United States and enforced between 1876 and 1965. ... The Black Codes were laws passed to restrict civil rights and civil liberties of African Americans, particularly former slaves. ... The Apartheid Legislation in South Africa was a series of different laws and acts which were to help the apartheid-government to enforce the segregation of different races and cement the power and the dominance by the Whites, of substantially European descent, over the other race groups. ... Nuremberg Laws of 1935 were denaturalization laws passed in Nazi Germany. ... This is a list of anti-discrimination acts (often called discrimination acts), which are laws designed to prevent discrimination. ... Amendment XIV in the National Archives The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (Amendment XIV) is one of the post-Civil War amendments (known as the Reconstruction Amendments), intended to secure rights for former slaves. ... The crime of apartheid is defined by the 2002 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which established the International Criminal Court as inhumane acts of a character similar to other crimes against humanity committed in the context of an institutionalised regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial...

Other forms

Nepotism · Cronyism · Colorism · Linguicism · Ethnocentrism · Triumphalism · Adultcentrism · Gynocentrism · Androcentrism · Economic discrimination This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... “Crony” redirects here. ... Colorism is a form of discrimination that is an international phenomenon, where human beings are accorded differing social and/or economic status and treatment based on skin color. ... Linguicism is a form of prejudice, an -ism along the lines of racism, ageism or sexism. ... Ethnocentrism is the tendency to look at the world primarily from the perspective of ones own culture. ... It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with Supremacism. ... Manifestations Slavery · Racial profiling · Lynching Hate speech · Hate crime · Hate groups Genocide · Holocaust · Pogrom Ethnocide · Ethnic cleansing · Race war Religious persecution · Gay bashing Pedophobia · Ephebiphobia Movements Discriminatory Aryanism · Neo-Nazism · Supremacism Kahanism Anti-discriminatory Abolitionism · Civil rights · Gay rights Womens/Universal suffrage · Mens rights Childrens rights · Youth... Gynocentrism (Greek γυνο, gyno-, woman, χεντρον, kentron, center) is the practice, often consciously adopted, of placing female human beings or the female point of view at the center of ones view of the world and its culture and history. ... Androcentrism (Greek ανδρο, andro-, man, male, χεντρον, kentron, center) is the practice, conscious or otherwise, of placing male human beings or the masculine point of view at the center of ones view of the world and its culture and... Economic discrimination is a term that describes a form of discrimination based on economic factors. ...

Related topics

Bigotry · Prejudice · Supremacism · Intolerance · Tolerance · Diversity · Multiculturalism · Political correctness · Reverse discrimination · Eugenics · Racialism · Speciesism A bigot is a prejudiced person who is intolerant of opinions, lifestyles, or identities differing from his or her own. ... For with(out) prejudice in law, see Prejudice (law). ... It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with chauvinism. ... Intolerance is the lack of ability or willingness to tolerate something. ... It has been suggested that toleration be merged into this article or section. ... It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with Diversity (business). ... The multicultural national representation of the countries of origin at the student union of San Francisco City College. ... Political correctness is the alteration of language to redress real or alleged injustices and discrimination or to avoid offense. ... Reverse discrimination is a term that is used to describe policies or acts that are seen to benefit a historically socio-politically non-dominant group (typically minorities or women), at the expense of a historically socio-politically dominant group (typically men and majority races). ... Eugenics is the self-direction of human evolution: Logo from the Second International Congress of Eugenics, 1921, depicting it as a tree which unites a variety of different fields. ... This article or section does not adequately cite its references or sources. ... The relevance of particular information in (or previously in) this article or section is disputed. ...

WikiProject Discrimination
Discrimination Portal
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Ketuanan Melayu (Malay for Malay supremacy or Malay dominance[1]) is the system of constitutionally guaranteed special rights to ethnic Malays.[2] These special privileges are set out in Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia. This quid pro quo arrangement is usually referred to as the Malaysian social contract. The concept of ketuanan Melayu is usually referenced by politicians, particularly those from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the most influential political party in Malaysia. Image File history File links Portal. ... Not to be confused with the Malayalam language, spoken in India. ... In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the keris (traditional Malay dagger) in defense of ketuanan Melayu, the social contract and Article 153. ... The Constitution of Malaysia, comprising more than 180 articles, is the supreme law of Malaysia. ... Quid pro quo (Latin for something for something [1]) indicates a more-or-less equal exchange or substitution of goods or services. ... The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the countrys founding fathers in the Constitution. ... Sang Saka Bangsa The United Malays National Organisation, or UMNO, (Malay: Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu), is the right-Wing and the largest political party in Malaysia and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has ruled the country uninterruptedly since its independence. ...


Although the idea itself predates Malaysian independence, the phrase ketuanan Melayu did not come into vogue until the early 2000s. The most vocal opposition towards the concept has come from non-Malay-based parties, such as the Democratic Action Party (DAP); although pre-independence, the Straits Chinese also agitated against it. The idea of Malay supremacy gained attention in the 1940s, when the Malays organized themselves to protest the Malayan Union's establishment, and later fought for independence. During the 1960s, there was a substantial effort challenging ketuanan Melayu led by the People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore — which was a state in Malaysia from 1963 to 1965 — and the DAP after Singapore's secession. However, the portions of the Constitution related to ketuanan Melayu were "entrenched" after the racial riots of May 13, 1969, which followed an election campaign focused on the issue of non-Malay rights and ketuanan Melayu. This period also saw the rise of "ultras" who advocated a one-party government led by UMNO, and an increased emphasis on the Malays being the "definitive people" of Malaysia — i.e. only a Malay could be a true Malaysian. Democratic Action Party (DAP) logo The Democratic Action Party (DAP, Parti Tindakan Demokratik in Malay) is Malaysias largest secular and Socialist opposition party. ... Peranakan, Baba-Nyonya (峇峇娘惹) and Straits Chinese (土生華人; named after the Straits of Malacca) are terms used for the descendants of the very early Chinese immigrants to the Nusantara region, including both the British Straits Settlements of Singapore, Malacca and Penang and the Dutch-controlled island of Java among other places, who... The Malayan Union was formed on April 1, 1946 by the British. ... Party logo with a symbol of red lightning that signifies action. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... An entrenchment clause of a constitution is a provision which makes certain amendments either more difficult than others or impossible. ... The May 13 Incident saw numerous cases of arson in the Malaysian capital city of Kuala Lumpur. ... is the 133rd day of the year (134th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Also: 1969 (Stargate SG-1) episode. ... During the 1960s in Malaysia and Singapore, some racial extremists were referred to as ultras. The phrase was most commonly used by the first Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, and other leaders of his political party, the Peoples Action Party (PAP), to refer to Malay extremists. ...


The riots caused a major change in the government's approach to racial issues, and led to the introduction of an aggressive affirmative action policy strongly favouring the Malays, the New Economic Policy (NEP). The National Culture Policy, also introduced in 1970, emphasized an assimilation of the non-Malays into the Malay ethnic group. However, during the 1990s Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad rejected this approach, with his Bangsa Malaysia policy emphasising a Malaysian instead of Malay identity for the state. During the 2000s politicians began stressing ketuanan Melayu again, and publicly chastised government ministers who questioned the social contract. Affirmative action refers to policies intended to promote access to education or employment aimed at a historically socio-politically non-dominant group (typically, minorities or women). ... Under the Malaysian New Economic Policy, Bumiputras are given discounts on real estate. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... The Prime Minister of Malaysia (in Malay Perdana Menteri) is the indirectly elected head of government of Malaysia. ... Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad (b. ... The Bangsa Malaysia policy was introduced by Mahathir Mohamad, then Prime Minister of Malaysia to create an inclusive national identity for all inhabitants of Malaysia, thus abandoning the National Culture Policy that asserted a Malay ethnic national identity. ...

Contents

Pre-independence

The British recognised the Malay Rulers as sovereign over Malaya.
The British recognised the Malay Rulers as sovereign over Malaya.

Image File history File links Sultans_at_the_first_Malayan_Durbar. ... Image File history File links Sultans_at_the_first_Malayan_Durbar. ... Early Malay nationalism before Malaysian independence did not exist as a united and organised political movement did not exist prior to World War II. The concept of ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) was largely irrelevant at the time, as the Chinese and Indians, who formed almost half of the population, did...

Early Malay nationalism

Malay nationalism as an organized political movement did not exist before World War II. The concept of ketuanan Melayu was largely irrelevant; the Chinese and Indians forming almost half the population did not see themselves as Malayans.[3] A report by the British Permanent Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies in the early 1930s found that "the number of non-Malays who have adopted Malaya as their home is only a very small proportion of the whole population".[4] Combatants Allied powers: China France Great Britain Soviet Union United States and others Axis powers: Germany Italy Japan and others Commanders Chiang Kai-shek Charles de Gaulle Winston Churchill Joseph Stalin Franklin Roosevelt Adolf Hitler Benito Mussolini Hideki Tōjō Casualties Military dead: 17,000,000 Civilian dead: 33,000...


Although the British effectively ruled Malaya, de jure the Malays were co-opted as puppet rulers controlled by the British. British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifford, demonstrated the British ideology which rationalized colonialism in Malaya[5] when he urged "everyone in this country [to] be mindful of the fact that this is a Malay country, and we British came here at the invitation of Their Highnesses the Malay Rulers, and it is our duty to help the Malays to rule their own country."[6] Ostensibly the British adopted an open "Pro-Malay" policy so the Malays could, in the words of High Commissioner Sir Laurence Guillemard, be equipped "to take their proper place in the administrative and commercial life of these States."[7] In reality, the non-elite Malays remained marginalized by the economic and political policies of the colonial government, and both educational and occupational policies were limited.[8] Look up De jure in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ... Hugh Clifford (1866–1941) was a British civil servant who served as high commissioner of Malaysia when it was a part of the British Empire. ... Sir Laurence Guillemard was a British civil servant who served as high commissioner of Malaysia when it was under the British Empire. ...


The local-born non-Malay communities soon began agitating for political representation. In 1936, the Malayan-born Indian community asked High Commissioner Sir Shenton Thomas to grant them a share of administrative appointments. Thomas rejected the request, referring to the local-born Indians as "foreigners".[9] Although the British appeared to view the Chinese as a "transient labor force," with statistics indicating most Chinese migrants eventually returned home, critics contend that the local-born Chinese population was steadily growing. Nevertheless, the British insisted it would be dangerous to consider the Chinese as having "a tendency to permanent settlement"; the locally-born Indian community — comprising 20% of the Indian population, the rest being manual labourers having migrated for similar reasons as the Chinese at around the same time — was likewise largely ignored.[10] Sir Shenton Whitelegge Thomas was a British colonial administrator. ...


The British relegated the Malays to their "traditional" peasant lifestyle as far as possible, restricting movement, economic enterprises and education. This policy was maintained in the belief that education of Bengalis in India had led to discontent and rebellion.[11] They involved only the Malay ruling class in government and administrative issues. Despite the exclusion of non-Malays from positions of ostensible authority, much of the civil service rank and file comprised non-Malays, many of them Indians who were specifically brought in for this purpose.[10] A number of historians have described the pro-Malay policies as designed merely to preserve the position of the British, rather than to strengthen that of the Malays; many characterized the British approach as one of "divide and rule," keeping "the races at just the right distance from each other to have the disparate elements of Malaya work in remote harmony".[12][13] For the collection of novellas by L. Sprague de Camp, see Divide and Rule (collection). ...


In the 1920s, the local-born Chinese, who retained significant economic power, began pushing for a greater role in Malayan government.[14] Much of the Chinese community, which now made up 39% of the Malayan population, still comprised transient laborers. Nevertheless, the Straits Chinese — which comprised the bulk of local-born Chinese — wanted to be given government positions and recognised as Malayans. One Straits Chinese leader asked, "Who said this is a Malay country? ... When Captain [Francis] Light arrived, did he find Malays, or Malay villages? Our forefathers came here and worked hard as coolies — weren't ashamed to become coolies — and they didn't send their money back to China. They married and spent their money here, and in this way the Government was able to open up the country from jungle to civilization. We've become inseparable from this country. It's ours, our country..." Irked Malay intellectuals objected to this reasoning, proposing an analogy with the Chinese as masons and Malaya as a house. A paid mason, they argued, was not entitled to a share in the ownership rights to a home he built. As such, they opposed any attempt to grant the Chinese citizenship or other political rights.[15] Peranakan, Baba-Nyonya (峇峇娘惹) and Straits Chinese (土生華人; named after the Straits of Malacca) are terms used for the descendants of the very early Chinese immigrants to the Nusantara region, including both the British Straits Settlements of Singapore, Malacca and Penang and the Dutch-controlled island of Java among other places, who... Captain Francis Light (1740-1794) was the founder of the British colony of Penang (in modern-day Malaysia) and its capital George Town in 1786. ... Coolie labourer circa 1900 in Zhenjiang, China. ...


Not all Malays were Malayan natives. A number of other distinct but Malay-related ethnic groups such as the Javanese and Bugis had migrated from elsewhere in the region throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Most quickly assimilated into the Malay cultural identity.[16] Eventually, the Chinese appeals appeared to have some impact on the British. In 1927, the Governor of the Straits Settlements referred to the Chinese as "indigenous inhabitants of British Malaya".[17] Javanese is a term used to describe a native of the Indonesian island of Java. ... The Bugis are the most numerous of the three major linguistic and ethnic groups of South Sulawesi, the southwestern province of Sulawesi, Indonesias third largest island. ... The Straits Settlements were a collection of territories of the British East India Company in Southeast Asia, which were given collective administration in 1826. ...


Just before World War II, Malay nationalism began emphasizing ketuanan Melayu, which had once been taken for granted. It was feared that British policies now seemed geared towards creating a common Malayan nationality inclusive of the Chinese and Indians. Some Malays thus sought to preserve the status quo with the British as a bulwark against the non-Malays. Others began agitating for an independent and sovereign Malay nation, such as "Greater Indonesia".[18] Combatants Allied powers: China France Great Britain Soviet Union United States and others Axis powers: Germany Italy Japan and others Commanders Chiang Kai-shek Charles de Gaulle Winston Churchill Joseph Stalin Franklin Roosevelt Adolf Hitler Benito Mussolini Hideki Tōjō Casualties Military dead: 17,000,000 Civilian dead: 33,000... This article is about the English rock band. ... Greater Indonesia is a political concept espoused by some advocates of the Ketuanan Melayu ideology of Malay racial superiority. ...


The Malayan Union

After World War II, the British announced the establishment of the Malayan Union, which would loosen immigration policies, reduce the sovereignty of the Malay rulers, and not recognise Malay supremacy, establishing Malaya as a protectorate of the United Kingdom. As local-born residents, most Chinese and Indians qualified for citizenship under the Union's principle of jus soli. With equal rights guaranteed to all, the Malays feared that what little power they had left would soon be taken away from them. Even their traditional stronghold, the civil service, would be open to all Malayans.[19][20] In the first place, the Malays did not consider themselves to be included under the label of "Malayans".[21] The Malayan Union was formed on April 1, 1946 by the British. ... This article is about states protected and/or dominated by a foreign power. ... Jus soli (Latin for right of the territory), or birthright citizenship, is a right by which nationality or citizenship can be recognised to any individual born in the territory of the related state. ...


For the first time, the Malays became politically conscious, protesting the Union's formation. At one gathering, placards declared that "Malaya Belongs to the Malays. We do not want the other races to be given the rights and privileges of the Malays."[22] One Malay organisation told the British that the Union's citizenship provisions would lead to "the wiping from existence of the Malay race along with their land and Rulers".[23] A group of Malay royalists and civil servants led by Dato' Onn Ja'afar formed the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) to protest the Malayan Union's formation.[24] Although the Union was established as planned, the campaign continued; in 1948, the British replaced the Malayan Union with the Federation of Malaya. The Federation restored sovereignty to the Malay rulers, tightened immigration and citizenship restrictions, and gave the Malays special privileges.[25] Nevertheless, the avowed goal of the British remained the same as in 1946: to introduce "a form of common citizenship open to all those, irrespective of race, who regarded Malaya as their real home and as the object of their loyalty."[26] Dato Onn Jaafar Dato Sir Onn Bin Jaafar (1895-January 19, 1962) was a Malay politician and a Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of Johor in Malaysia, then Malaya. ... Sang Saka Bangsa The United Malays National Organisation, or UMNO, (Malay: Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu), is the right-Wing and the largest political party in Malaysia and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has ruled the country uninterruptedly since its independence. ... The Federation of Malaya, or in Malay Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, was formed in 1948 from the British settlements of Penang and Malacca and the nine Malay states and replaced the Malayan Union. ...


Limited opposition to ketuanan Melayu and UMNO during this period came from a coalition between the All-Malaya Council of Joint Action (AMCJA) and the Pusat Tenaga Rakyat (PUTERA). Although one of PUTERA's constituent organisations had insisted on ketuanan Melayu as a "National Birthright" of the Malays, PUTERA joined the AMCJA in championing equal political rights for non-Malays. After the British refused to heed the PUTERA-AMCJA coalition, it pulled out of talks with the British, later launching a major hartal (general strike) to protest perceived defects in the new polity. After the Federation was formed over their objections, the coalition disbanded.[21] The All-Malaya Council of Joint Action was a political party in Malaysia formed to oppose the United Malays National Organization and the Malay-supremacist ideology of Ketuanan Melayu. ... Hartal is a term in many Indian languages for strike action, used often during the Indian Independence Movement. ...


Prior to the Federation, non-Malays were generally uninvolved in Malayan politics and nationalism, both essentially Malay in nature; being more interested in the politics of their respective homelands, non-Malays never significantly backed the Malayan Union.[27] The AMCJA, though mostly non-Malay, did not represent a large section of the non-Malay communities in Malaya.[28] The lack of interest in or loyalty to Malaya amongst the non-Malays seemed to justify ketuanan Melayu — Malay supremacy.


Some historians have argued the Union's failure made the Chinese aware of the need for political representation. The Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) — a communal political party campaigning for Chinese political rights — was formed soon after the Federation's formation.[29] Others claim that the main driving force behind non-Malay involvement in Malayan politics, and their assertion of certain rights, was the increasing number of local-born non-Malays. The same report from the British Permanent Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies cited earlier stated that Malayan-born non-Malays "have never seen the land of their origin and they claim that their children and their children's children should have fair treatment."[30] The inaugural President of the MCA was Tan Cheng Lock, a local-born Chinese who had led the AMCJA until its breaking up. This page is a candidate for speedy deletion. ... Tun Dato Sir Tan Cheng Lock (Simplified Chinese: ; Pinyin: ; 1883–1960; born in Malacca), Malaysian Chinese, was the founder and first president of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), which represents the Malaysian Chinese population. ...


Towards independence

Its initial goals achieved, UMNO established itself as a political party to fight for independence. At the same time, the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) launched an armed insurgency against what they considered a British puppet state, culminating in the Malayan Emergency which lasted until after independence. The insurgency was marked by a clear racial divide; opposition to the insurrection was almost entirely Malay, while Chinese dominated the communist ranks. The British encouraged the establishment of the Communities Liaison Committee (CLC), comprising the top echelon of Malayan politicians from different communities, to address sensitive issues, especially those related to race. Compromises on a number of issues, including citizenship, education, democracy, and Malay supremacy, were agreed on. Eventually, a "bargain" between the Malays and non-Malays was formulated; in return for giving up ketuanan Melayu (referred to as the Malays' special position), the Malays would be assisted in closing the economic gap between the Malay and non-Malay communities. CLC member E.E.C. Thuraisingham later said, "I and others believed that the backward Malays should be given a better deal. Malays should be assisted to attain parity with non-Malays to forge a united Malayan Nation of equals."[31] Communist Party of Malaya (CnoPM), also known as the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) until the 1960s was founded in Singapore in 1930 with a predominantly Chinese membership, carrying out armed resistance to the Japanese during World War II. From 1948 to 1960, its military arm, the Malayan Peoples Liberation Army... The Malayan Emergency was an insurrection and guerrilla war of the Malay Races Liberation Army against the British and Malayan administration from 1948-1960 in what is now Malaysia. ... The Communities Liaison Committee was established by the British rulers of Malaysia, comprising the top echelon of Malayan politicians from different communities, to address sensitive issues, especially those related to race. ... E. E. C. Thuraisingham was a Malaysian politician of Ceylonese (now Sri Lanka) Tamil origin. ...


Problems continued to crop up. Many Malayan Chinese youths drafted into the army to stave off communist attacks fled the country; most participants were English- and not Chinese-educated. To the Malays, this indicated that the Chinese had no particular loyalty towards Malaya and justified ketuanan Melayu, heightening similar perceptions caused by the apparent racial dichotomy between those in fierce opposition to the communists and those supporting the MCP.[32] “Conscript” redirects here. ...


In the early 1950s, Onn Ja'afar proposed to open UMNO membership to all Malayans, and renaming it the United Malayan National Organisation, which would have diluted its identity as a champion of ketuanan Melayu. Defeated in an internal power struggle, he resigned in 1951 to found the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP). He was succeeded by Tunku Abdul Rahman (often known as "the Tunku"), who insisted on initial Malay sovereignty. Expressing concern over a lack of loyalty to Malaya among non-Malays, he demanded they clarify their allegiance before being accorded citizenship, going on to state: "For those who love and feel they owe undivided loyalty to this country, we will welcome them as Malayans. They must truly be Malayans, and they will have the same rights and privileges as the Malays."[33] Not long after, in 1952, however, he appeared to contradict himself, and insisted that Malays safeguard their special position: "Malaya is for the Malays and it should not be governed by a mixture of races."[34] The Independence of Malaya Party was a political party in British-ruled Malaysia that stood for political independence. ... Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj ibni Almarhum Sultan Abdul Hamid Shah (February 8, 1903–December 6, 1990) usually known as the Tunku (a princely title in Malaysia), and also called Bapa Kemerdekaan (Father of Independence) or Bapa Malaysia (Father of Malaysia), was Chief Minister of the Federation of Malaya...

During the early 1950s, there was an active Straits Chinese secessionist movement in Penang agitating against ketuanan Melayu.
During the early 1950s, there was an active Straits Chinese secessionist movement in Penang agitating against ketuanan Melayu.

During this period, some Straits Chinese began taking interest in local politics, especially in Penang, where there was an active Chinese secessionist movement. Identifying more with the British than the Malays, they were especially angered by references to them as pendatang asing ("aliens"). Avoiding both UMNO and the MCA, they believed that while UMNO and Malay extremists were intent on extending Malay privileges and restricting Chinese rights, the MCA was too "selfish", and could not be relied on.[35] Uncomfortable about the merger of the Straits Settlements with Malaya, they did not feel a sense of belonging in a "Malaya for the Malays" where they were not considered bumiputra ("sons of the soil"). One Straits Chinese leader indignantly declared, "I can claim to be more anak Pulau Pinang [a son of Penang] than 99 per cent of the Malays living here today." With the government's stout rejection of secession, the movement eventually petered out.[36] Image File history File links Penang_State_Map. ... Image File history File links Penang_State_Map. ... Peranakan, Baba-Nyonya (峇峇娘惹) and Straits Chinese (土生華人; named after the Straits of Malacca) are terms used for the descendants of the very early Chinese immigrants to the Nusantara region, including both the British Straits Settlements of Singapore, Malacca and Penang and the Dutch-controlled island of Java among other places, who... Peranakan, Baba-Nyonya (峇峇娘惹) and Straits Chinese (土生華人; named after the Straits of Malacca) are terms used for the descendants of the very early Chinese immigrants to the Nusantara region, including both the British Straits Settlements of Singapore, Malacca and Penang and the Dutch-controlled island of Java among other places, who... State motto: Bersatu dan Setia (United and Loyal) State anthem: Untuk Negeri Kita (For Our State) Capital George Town Ruling party Barisan Nasional  - Yang Di-Pertua Negeri Abdul Rahman bin Haji Abbas  - Ketua Menteri Dr Koh Tsu Koon History    - Ceded by Kedah to British 11 August 1786   - Japanese occupation 1942... Secession is the act of withdrawing from an organization, union, or political entity. ... Pendatang asing or orang pendatang is a common Malay phrase used to refer to foreigners or immigrants. ... Bumiputra or Bumiputera (Malay, from Sanskrit Bhumiputra; translated literally, it means son of the soil), is an official definition widely used in Malaysia, embracing ethnic Malays as well as other indigenous ethnic groups such as the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak. ...


Some suggested that the non-Malays did not feel loyal to Malaya because they did not consider themselves to be of Malayan nationality. To counter this, in 1952 citizenship was granted to nearly all local-born non-Malays, and dual citizenship prohibited, forcing non-Malays to choose between their ancestral homeland and Malaya.[37] In English usage, nationality is the legal relationship between a person and a country. ... Multiple citizenship is simultaneous citizenship in two or more countries (whether it is recognized by all countries or not). ...


As Malaya moved to self-government, the British initiated the Member System, modeled on the cabinet system; like the CLC, it drew on members of different communities, and was later described as setting a precedent for the power-sharing multiracial Malayan and Malaysian cabinets post-independence. At the same time, the British also began laying the framework for a national education system that would create "a sense of common citizenship". The Barnes Report that they commissioned, however, was strongly objected to by the Chinese community for being "saturated with Malay nationalism" and bolstering ketuanan Melayu. The Fenn-Wu Report, favoured by the Chinese, did not meet with Malay approval. In the end, the Barnes Report's recommendations for English-medium "national schools" were implemented by the 1952 Education Ordinance, over vocal Chinese protests, who were upset by the lack of provision for non-Malay vernacular schools. In 1956, a committee headed by Tun Abdul Razak re-evaluated the education system. The "Razak Report" recommended that vernacular primary schools be permitted to continue, but share a common syllabus with national schools. Vernacular secondary schools would not be sanctioned; only national secondary schools would be funded. The Chinese community strenuously objected to the Razak Report as well, launching an organised campaign against it; the MCA's refusal to oppose the Report cost it politically in some Chinese constituencies.[38] Nevertheless, the Razak Report's recommendations were largely successful, and many of them remain in place as of 2006. The Member System, modeled on the cabinet system was created by British authorities in Malaysia to provide self-governance. ... A cabinet is a body of high-ranking members of government, typically representing the executive branch. ... Educational oversight Minister Ministry of Education, Ministry of Higher Education Hishamuddin Hussein, Mustapa Mohamed National education budget RM5 billion[3] (2006) Primary languages Malay, English, Mandarin Chinese, Tamil National system Established 1956 Literacy (2006)  â€¢ Men  â€¢ Women 92. ... The Barnes Report was a proposal to develop a national education system in British-ruled Malaysia. ... Tun Abdul Razak bin Dato Hussein (1922-1976) was the second Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling from 1970 to 1976. ...


Possible origins of ketuanan Melayu

According to many historians, the root cause of ethnic strife and ketuanan Melayu was a lack of mixing between the Malays and non-Malays. Because most migrants came as British "guest workers", they felt little need to integrate into Malay society. Few even bothered to learn the Malay language. (The Straits Chinese, most of whom were rich merchants instead of manual labourers, were an exception and managed to assimilate reasonably well; many habitually spoke Malay, dressed in the Malay style, and preferred Malay cuisine.)[39] The British educational policies segregating the different races — providing minimal public education for Malays, and leaving non-Malays to their own devices — did not help matters. The Malays, predominantly rural-dwellers, were not encouraged to socialise with the more urban non-Malays.[40] The economic impoverishment of the Malays which set them apart from the better-off Chinese also fanned racial sentiments.

A rallying call of Malay nationalists during the 1940s was "Malaya for the Malays".
A rallying call of Malay nationalists during the 1940s was "Malaya for the Malays".

Another contributing factor to ketuanan Melayu was the World War II Japanese occupation. The war "awakened a keen political awareness among Malayan people by intensifying communalism and racial hatred". Japanese policies "politicised the Malay peasantry", intentionally fanning the flames of Malay nationalism. Two Malay historians wrote that "The Japanese hostile acts against the Chinese and their apparently more favourable treatments of the Malays helped to make the Chinese community feel its separate identity more acutely..." A foreign commentator agreed, stating that "During the occupation period ... Malay national sentiment had become a reality; it was strongly anti-Chinese, and its rallying cry [was] 'Malaya for the Malays'..."[41] Image File history File links Protest_against_Malayan_Union. ... Image File history File links Protest_against_Malayan_Union. ...


The Alliance

Although UMNO supported ketuanan Melayu, it formed an "Alliance" with the MCA and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) to contest the 1955 Federal Legislative Council elections. This took many by surprise, as the MCA had strenuously insisted on equal political rights for all citizens. Its President, Tan Cheng Lock, was himself a Straits Chinese, albeit not as extremist as the secessionists. Although initially dismissed as a marriage of convenience, the Alliance won 51 out of 52 seats available. The sole remaining seat went to the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP; later known as PAS), a Malay-based party and strong advocate of ketuanan Melayu. The total defeat of non-communal parties led the Alliance to perceive the political atmosphere as inhospitable for multi-racial parties. A coalition government comprising mono-racial parties in which party leaders privately brokered compromise decisions was thought more stable and better suited to Malayan politics.[42] Prior to the election, Dato' Onn Ja'afar had changed his approach, forming the Parti Negara after IMP suffered crushing losses to the Alliance in local elections. Advocating stronger pro-Malay policies recognising Malay political dominance, the Parti Negara failed to shake the Alliance's grip on power. However, some believe Parti Negara's proposals helped sway UMNO politicians towards more radically pro-Malay policies.[43][44] The British themselves insisted on handing over power only to a multiracial government, and the Alliance was considered to meet this requirement.[45] MIC Logo The Malaysian Indian Congress (Kongres India Se-Malaysia, MIC) was established in August 1946 at the end of World War II. It was established in the cause of the communitys struggle during the inter-war years, to end British colonial rule, as well as in the need... Tun Dato Sir Tan Cheng Lock (Simplified Chinese: ; Pinyin: ; 1883–1960; born in Malacca), Malaysian Chinese, was the founder and first president of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), which represents the Malaysian Chinese population. ... The Islamic Party of Malaysia (commonly known as PAS or Pas, from the Malay Parti Islam SeMalaysia) is an Islamist political party in Malaysia and is currently headed by Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang. ... Parti Negara (Malay for National Party) was a Malay-based political party which was formed by former leaders of the Independence of Malaya Party in 1953, and formally launched in February 1954. ...


Independence and Malaysia

Independence and the Constitution

The Federation of Malaya became officially independent of the British Empire in 1957. The new state's Constitution contained provisions, such as Article 153, guaranteeing the Malays certain privileges as a form of affirmative action. The Reid Commission, which drafted the Constitution, stated that Article 153 was to be temporary in nature, and should be reviewed by Parliament 15 years after independence.[46] The Constitution itself did not explicitly state this, however, nor did it clarify the purpose of Article 153. It did declare all Malayans equal under the law, without mention of "Malay sovereignty" or any other ideas related to ketuanan Melayu. Jus soli citizenship — the granting of citizenship to anyone born in the Federation — was also granted, albeit without retrospective effect; it was a major concession by the Malays, who had vigorously campaigned against jus soli citizenship in the Malayan Union.[47] The Constitution of Malaysia, comprising more than 180 articles, is the supreme law of Malaysia. ... The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the countrys founding fathers in the Constitution. ... In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the keris (traditional Malay dagger) in defense of ketuanan Melayu, the social contract and Article 153. ... The Federation of Malaya, or in Malay Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, was formed in 1948 from the British settlements of Penang and Malacca and the nine Malay states and replaced the Malayan Union. ... The British Empire in 1897, marked in pink, the traditional colour for Imperial British dominions on maps. ... In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the keris (traditional Malay dagger) in defense of ketuanan Melayu, the social contract and Article 153. ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... Affirmative action refers to policies intended to promote access to education or employment aimed at a historically socio-politically non-dominant group (typically, minorities or women). ... The Reid Commission was an independent commission responsible for drafting the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya prior to Malayan independence from Britain on 31 August 1957. ... The Malaysian Houses of Parliament in Kuala Lumpur. ... Jus soli (Latin for right of the territory), or birthright citizenship, is a right by which nationality or citizenship can be recognised to any individual born in the territory of the related state. ... It has been suggested that Lex retro non agit be merged into this article or section. ...


On the other hand, Malay and Islam became the national language and official religion, while the Malay rulers remained. This was taken to mean that the Malays were accorded deference as the definitive people of Malaya — i.e. being a Malayan would be the same as being a Malay — and in the eyes of many, gave Malaya a Malay identity.[48] One academic suggested that "The Malays have a deep-rooted feeling that they alone are the bumiputras, the sons of the soil, and as such have certain special rights over the land." Indeed, the Tunku said in 1964 that "It is understood by all that this country by its very name, its traditions and character, is Malay. ... In any other country where aliens try to dominate economic and other fields, eventually there is bitter opposition from the indigenous people. But not with the Malays. Therefore, in return, they must appreciate the position of the Malays..."[34] It has been suggested that a Malaysian nationality did not emerge because "all the national symbols in Malaysia were derived from the Malay tradition".[49] Not to be confused with the Malayalam language, spoken in India. ... For people named Islam, see Islam (name). ...


The Constitutional restraint on the size of rural Parliamentary constituencies was later removed, providing what one commentator called "an indirect buttress" to Malay special rights; as Malays were concentrated in rural areas, this indirectly enhanced Malay political power. The original Constitution had implicitly followed "one man, one vote". The change was denounced as "giving one man one vote, another a number of votes: not on the basis of, say, intellectual ability or geographical accident, but in order to ensure the dominance of a particular group."[50] One man, one vote, is a slogan used in pointing out a perceived imbalance in a given voting system. ...


The constitutional provisions, which have been referred to as the "Malay Agenda", evoked little sentiment from non-Malays, despite most of them gaining citizenship and thus becoming theoretically equal to Malay citizens under the Constitution. This could be attributed to acceptance of the social contract, of which one historian wrote: "At the elite level, non-Malays recognized that Malays were politically superior by virtue of their indigenous status and that the Malaysian polity would have a Malay character ... Malays were to be assured of safe majorities in both the state and federal parliament ... Malays would control the highest positions of the government and ... dominate members of the federal cabinet." A Malay historian wrote that "In return the Chinese gained more than overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia had dreamed of — equal citizenship, political participation and office holding, unimpaired economic opportunity, and tolerance for their language, religion, and cultural institutions."[51] In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the Malay dagger (kris) in support of the Malay Agenda. ... The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the countrys founding fathers in the Constitution. ... Languages various Religions Predominantly Taoism, Mahayana Buddhism, traditional Chinese religions, and atheism. ... Location of Southeast Asia Southeast Asia is a subregion of Asia. ...


Some expressed trepidation at Article 153; shortly before independence, the China Press suggested that while special rights "may be excusable at the start of the building of a nation," if "the period of 'special rights' is not restricted, or the scope of special rights is not clearly defined, then endless disputes ... will arise later on," and argued that special rights would eventually divide instead of unite Malayans.[52] Nevertheless at the time of independence, some historians assert, "there was a genuine sense of common citizenship, common aspirations, a common destiny."[53] This was about to change. China Press (Chinese : 中國報) is a Malaysian Chinese newspaper first published in 1 February 1946 and was setup by Tun Henry Lee Hau Shik. ...


Merger

In 1961, when the Malayan government began discussing a possible merger with neighbouring Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei, problems of ethnic power relations arose again. The "Malaysia" proposal sans Sabah and Sarawak went back more than a decade; earlier negotiations had proved fruitless. The Singaporeans themselves were not anxious to be ruled by what they considered a Malay government.[54] By 1961, however, Singapore had grown receptive to the idea of joining Malaysia, largely because of the prevailing idea at the time that industrial Singapore could not survive without access to Malayan markets.[55] For other uses, see Sabah (disambiguation). ... State motto: Bersatu, Berusaha, Berbakti State anthem: Ibu Pertiwiku Capital Kuching Ruling party Barisan Nasional  - Yang di-Pertua Negeri Abang Muhammad Salahuddin  - Ketua Menteri Abdul Taib Mahmud History    - Brunei Sultanate 19th century   - Brooke dynasty 1841   - Japanese occupation 1941-1945   - British control 1946   - Accession into Malaysia 1963  Area  - Total 124,450...


The Malayan government was not keen on having the Chinese Singaporean population push the Malays into a minority position in the new Malaysia. Many Malays felt that upsetting the Malay-dominated nature of the armed forces and police might place them in a dangerous situation. It was also argued that the inferior economic position of the Malays would be emphasised by the entry of even more rich Chinese, setting the stage for major discontent.[56] The Malayans decided to resolve this by merging with Sabah and Sarawak; both British colonies had large native populations whom the government considered "Malay". Under Article 160 of the Constitution, most of them were not Malay; the natives were mainly animists or Christians instead of Muslims as required. To resolve this issue, the government expanded its informal definition of "Malay" to include these people.[57] Article 160 of the Constitution of Malaysia defines various terms used in the Constitution. ... This article is in need of attention. ... For other uses, see Christian (disambiguation). ...


Sabahans and Sarawakians could not see how they would benefit from merger. Many regarded Malaya as being only for the Malays, a group they did not include themselves in. The spectre of "Malaysia" — the inclusion of the phrase "Malay" being considered frightening — with its official religion of Islam and official language of Malay, did nothing to soothe their fears of "Malay domination". For merger to come about, they insisted the natives of Sabah and Sarawak be awarded the same privileges as Malays.[58] A 20-point agreement between Sabah and the Malayan government, and a slightly different 18-point agreement by Sarawak, was later agreed upon. After much negotiation and a show of support from the British for merger, the impasse was resolved. Although natives of Borneo were denied the privileges of Malays, merger was effected on September 16, 1963. The 20-point agreement, or the 20-point memorandum, is an agreement made between the state of Sabah (then North Borneo) with what would be the federal government of Malaysia prior to the formation of Malaysia in September 16, 1963. ... is the 259th day of the year (260th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Year 1963 (MCMLXIII) was a common year starting on Tuesday (link will display full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar. ...


"Malaysian Malaysia!"

Main article: Malaysian Malaysia

In the 1963 Singapore state elections, the Alliance challenged the governing People's Action Party (PAP) through the Singapore Alliance Party. UMNO politicians actively campaigned in Singapore for the Singapore Alliance, contending that Singaporean Malays were being treated as second-class citizens under the Chinese-dominated, though ostensibly multiracial, PAP government. However, all of the UMNO-backed Malay candidates lost to the PAP. The PAP politicians, who saw this as a betrayal of an earlier agreement with the Alliance not to contest elections in Malaya and Singapore (respectively), decided to run on the mainland in the 1964 general election. Although the PAP attracted large crowds at its rallies, it won only one seat — that by Devan Nair, who represented the Bangsar constituency. It is thought by some historians that Finance Minister and MCA President Tan Siew Sin's appeal to the Chinese to avoid challenging the Malay special rights and risk merger with Indonesia helped the MCA retain its status as the "undisputed leader of the Chinese in the Malayan peninsula".[59] Nevertheless, UMNO leaders were furious with the PAP.[60][61] The sometimes tumultous relationship between the Peoples Action Party and United Malays National Organisation, which were, and still are, the ruling parties respectively of Singapore and Malaysia, has impacted the recent history of both States. ... The Singapore legislative assembly general election of 1963 were elections that took place in Singapore on 21 September 1963 following five days after the merger with Malaysia and therefore as an autonomous state of Malaysia. ... Party logo with a symbol of red lightning that signifies action. ... The Singapore Alliance Party, or sometimes known as just Singapore Alliance was a coalition of political parties that contested several elections in Singapore, notably the 1955 Elections of Singapore and the 1963 Elections of Singapore that was heavily backed by the local chapter of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO... The Malaysian general election of 1964 was an important step towards the eventual independence of Singapore from Malaysia. ... Chengara Veetil Devan Nair, also known as C. V. Devan Nair (August 5, 1923–December 6, 2005), was the third President of Singapore and was elected by Parliament on October 23, 1981. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... Tun Tan Siew Sin (21 May 1916–17 March 1988)) was Malaysias first Minister of Commerce and Industry, Finance Minister for 15 years, and president of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA). ...

Lee Kuan Yew, the leader of the Singaporean government, publicly opposed ketuanan Melayu, and propagated his idea of a "Malaysian Malaysia".
Lee Kuan Yew, the leader of the Singaporean government, publicly opposed ketuanan Melayu, and propagated his idea of a "Malaysian Malaysia".

New problems soon cropped up. Lee Kuan Yew, the leader of the Singaporean government and the PAP, declared his open opposition to ketuanan Melayu,; calling for a "Malaysian Malaysia" instead of the implied Malay Malaysia.[43] He argued that "Malays began to migrate to Malaysia in noticeable numbers only about 700 years ago. Of the 39% Malays in Malaysia today, about one-third are comparatively new immigrants like (Syed Jaafar Albar), who came to Malaya from Indonesia just before the war at the age of more than thirty. Therefore it is wrong and illogical for a particular racial group to think that they are more justified to be called Malaysians and that the others can become Malaysian only through their favour."[62] Image File history File links Download high resolution version (748x827, 130 KB) Lee Kuan Yew, first prime minister of Singapore ; Image from US gov. ... Image File history File links Download high resolution version (748x827, 130 KB) Lee Kuan Yew, first prime minister of Singapore ; Image from US gov. ... This is a Chinese name; the family name is 李 (Li) Lee Kuan Yew, GCMG, CH (Chinese: ; Pinyin: ; born September 16, 1923; also spelled Lee Kwan-Yew), was the first Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore from 1959 to 1990. ... The sometimes tumultous relationship between the Peoples Action Party and United Malays National Organisation, which were, and still are, the ruling parties respectively of Singapore and Malaysia, has impacted the recent history of both States. ... This is a Chinese name; the family name is 李 (Li) Lee Kuan Yew, GCMG, CH (Chinese: ; Pinyin: ; born September 16, 1923; also spelled Lee Kwan-Yew), was the first Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore from 1959 to 1990. ... The sometimes tumultous relationship between the Peoples Action Party and United Malays National Organisation, which were, and still are, the ruling parties respectively of Singapore and Malaysia, has impacted the recent history of both States. ... Tan Sri Syed Jaafar Albar (?–1977) was a Malaysian politician. ...


Lee later lamented: "Malaysia — to whom does it belong? To Malaysians. But who are Malaysians? I hope I am, Mr Speaker, Sir. But sometimes, sitting in this chamber, I doubt whether I am allowed to be a Malaysian. This is the doubt that hangs over many minds, and ... [once] emotions are set in motion, and men pitted against men along these unspoken lines, you will have the kind of warfare that will split the nation from top to bottom and undo Malaysia."[63] At times, however, Lee worsened things by making racial comments of his own. Many of his speeches harped on the ethnic composition of Malaysia, reminding listeners that the non-Malays were now in the majority, with 61% of the population to the Malays' 39% asking at one point, "Why should we go back to old Singapore and once again reduce the non-Malays in Malaya to a minority?"[64] Lee exacerbated deteriorating PAP-UMNO relations by constantly demanding that the federal government "smack down their 'ultras'", whose ranks included prominent UMNO leaders such as Syed Jaafar Albar and Syed Nasir Ismail.[65][66] The sometimes tumultous relationship between the Peoples Action Party (PAP) and United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which were, and still are, the ruling parties respectively of Singapore and Malaysia, has impacted the recent history of both states. ... During the 1960s in Malaysia and Singapore, some racial extremists were referred to as ultras. The phrase was most commonly used by the first Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, and other leaders of his political party, the Peoples Action Party (PAP), to refer to Malay extremists. ... Tan Sri Syed Jaafar Albar (?–1977) was a Malaysian politician. ... Tan Sri Syed Nasir bin Ismail (? – 1982) was a Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of the Parliament of Malaysia. ...


Lee's statements upset many, especially Alliance politicians. Tan Siew Sin called him the "greatest, disruptive force in the entire history of Malaysia and Malaya."[67] The Tunku considered Lee too extremist in his views, while other UMNO politicians thought Lee was simply pandering to Malaysian Chinese with his rhetoric.[68] Lee's statement about allegedly recent Malay migration met with stinging rebuttals; Albar declared: "To say that the Malays are in the same category as other races is an insult..." The UMNO newspaper Malaya Merdeka warned: "If the Malays are hard-pressed and their interests are not protected," they would merge Malaysia with Indonesia.[69] It was this that the Tunku feared the most. To him, the ultras were not the real extremists — it was those who sought a "Greater Indonesia" to "fix" the Chinese that were the real threat.[70] Malaysian name Malay: Orang Cina Malaysia A Malaysian Chinese is an overseas Chinese who is a citizen or long-term resident of Malaysia. ...


The strain in race relations led to the Singaporean 1964 Race Riots,[61] which PAP Malay politician Othman Wok later insinuated were planned beforehand by the ultras.[71] In the year following the riots, tension continued growing. Syed Jaafar Albar declared that "Wherever I am, I am a Malay", drawing harsh return fire from Lee, who stated in Parliament: "If I had been going round and saying what [he] has been saying — wherever I am, I am a Chinese — where would we be? But I keep on reminding the people that I am a Malaysian. I am learning Bahasa Kebangsaan [Malay, the national language] and I accept Article 153 of the Constitution."[72] The start of the July riot on Prophet Muhammads birthday, that would later injure hundreds and kill 23 people. ... Othman Wok (born 1924) was a former Cabinet Minister in Singapore for 14 years. ... During the 1960s in Malaysia and Singapore, some racial extremists were referred to as ultras. The phrase was most commonly used by the first Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, and other leaders of his political party, the Peoples Action Party (PAP), to refer to Malay extremists. ... In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the keris (traditional Malay dagger) in defense of ketuanan Melayu, the social contract and Article 153. ...


Lee insisted that he was not opposed to Malay special rights or Article 153, saying: "if the immigrant communities ... do not see the problems, if they can't feel what it is like to be a poor Malay, and don't feel for him, then I can say very soon he will manifest his disaffection in a very decisive way and the whole country will be thrown into turmoil."[73] Few from the Alliance took this claim seriously. UMNO politicians insisted that a "Malaysian Malaysia" implied total equality, entailing the removal of Malay privileges.[74] Senu Abdul Rahman, a federal Minister, felt Lee's advocacy of equality would deny the Malays the possibility of economic participation: "What we want is opportunity, the opportunity to obtain economic wealth for our people." Condemning Lee for stating he was a Malaysian by his own right, Senu asked: "The right which Lee is enjoying today did not fall from the sky or out of the blue. It was given to him. Doesn't he have some feeling of gratitude to the natives of this country?" Lee answered: "No, I am not enjoying anyone's hospitality. I am here as of right. And 61 per cent of the people of Malaysia have to stand by that or it is lost. Without it they would have no future."[75] Some, such as Syed Jaafar Albar, took Senu's stance further and referred to the Malays, as the Bumiputra, as "masters of the house", whose hospitality was being abused by the bangsa asing (aliens) or orang tumpangan (lodgers) such as Lee. This provoked a response from Cabinet member Lim Swee Aun insisting "we are co-owners, not lodgers, not guests."[76][77] This article does not cite any references or sources. ... Lim Swee Aun was a Chinese Malaysian politician from the Peoples Action Party and a prominent opponent of the Ketuanan Melayu ideology of Malay-supremacy. ...


Some went against the common view held in UMNO. Ismail Abdul Rahman told Parliament that "...both the Alliance and the PAP subscribe to the concept of a Malaysian Malaysia," but differed in their methods. Ismail characterised the PAP's approach as "non-communalism straightaway," while the Alliance required "two steps. First, inter-racial harmony; second, and ultimate state of non-communalism." Such statements were dimissed by Lee as lip service that could not be taken seriously unless the ultras were reined in.[78][79] Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman (November 4, 1915 - August 2, 1973) was a Malaysian politician. ... Lip service is the name of the situation in which someone complies with a certain obligation, or expectation, they have been subjected to, to the minimum possible extent. ...


Separation

Lee continued his campaign, forming the Malaysian Solidarity Council (MSC) comprising multi-racial parties such as the PAP, the People's Progressive Party (PPP) and the United Democratic Party (UDP) in 1965. At the MSC's first and only general meeting, several leaders from these parties gave speeches supporting a Malaysian Malaysia. D.R. Seenivasagam of the PPP accused the Alliance of using Article 153 to "bully non-Malays", while Ong Kee Hui of the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) said that "We see an attitude of intolerance and mounting signs of denial of political equality to people who are non-Malays. For the sake of our country and ourselves, this must be stopped and the drift to narrow racialism checked. Political equality should be accorded to all who live here and make this country their home, irrespective of their racial origin."[80] The Malaysian Solidarity Council was a political bloc formed by Lee Kuan Yew and the Peoples Action Party. ... The Peoples Progressive Party (Parti Progresif Penduduk Malaysia) is a political party in Malaysia. ... There are several political parties called the United Democratic Party. ... D. R. Seenivasagam was a prominent leader of the Peoples Progressive Party (Malaysia). ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... The Sarawak United Peoples Party (Parti Rakyat Bersatu Sarawak) is a political party in Malaysia. ...


Soon after, UMNO backbencher Mahathir bin Mohamad attacked Lee in Parliament: "[The Singaporean Chinese] have never known Malay rule and cannot bear the idea that the people they have so long kept under their heels should now be in a position to rule them."[81] Lee responded with an unscripted speech made entirely in Malay opposing the government's pro-Malay policies: "Of course there are Chinese millionaires in big cars and big houses. Is it the answer to make a few Malay millionaires with big cars and big houses? ... If we delude people into believing that they are poor because there are no Malay rights or because opposition members oppose Malay rights, where are we going to end up? You let people in the villages believe that they are poor because we don't speak Malay, because the government does not write in Malay, so he expects a miracle to take place [when Malay becomes the sole national language]. The moment we all start speaking Malay, he is going to have an uplift in the standard of living, and if doesn't happen, what happens then? Meanwhile, whenever there is a failure of economic, social and educational policies, you come back and say, oh, these wicked Chinese, Indian and others opposing Malay rights. They don't oppose Malay rights. They, the Malay, have the right as Malaysian citizens to go up to the level of training and education that the more competitive societies, the non-Malay society, has produced. That is what must be done, isn't it? Not to feed them with this obscurantist doctrine that all they have got to do is to get Malay rights for the few special Malays and their problem has been resolved."[82] A backbencher is a Member of Parliament or a legislator who does not hold governmental office and is not a Front Bench spokesperson in the Opposition. ... Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad (b. ...


Eventually, the Tunku — fed up with all the politicking and convinced that any further clashes of rhetoric would only degenerate into violence — asked Singapore to secede. Singapore became an independent nation in 1965, with Lee as its first Prime Minister.[83] Although Article 152 of the Constitution of Singapore names the Malays as "indigenous people" of Singapore and mandates special safeguarding of their rights and privileges, the article does not specify any policies for such safeguarding. The Priminster of Singa pyohbsdg vjhd|Lee Kuan Yew||3 June 1959 || 28 November 1990 || 1968 GE 94. ... The Constitution of Singapore is the supreme law of Singapore and it is a codified constitution. ...


Some later blamed the formation of Malaysia for strengthening ketuanan Melayu: "A reinforcement of Malay rights — which during the previous five or six years [prior to the formation of Malaysia] had been withering away as the Reid Commission might have suspected they would — took place against a background of general unequal treatment" after Malaysia's formation.[84]


May 13 and the New Economic Policy

Issues of language

The Constitution specified a ten-year delay after independence in changing the national language from English to Malay. As the scheduled date in 1967 drew near some Chinese began to agitate for a more liberal language policy permitting some instances of Mandarin in public affairs. Extremists from UMNO and PAS lashed out against them, but the Alliance proposed a compromise in the National Language Bill establishing Malay as the official language, but permitting English under certain circumstances and the use of non-Malay languages for non-official purposes. The Tunku described it as "a course guaranteeing peace",[85] but the Bill was widely derided by many Malays, who formed the National Language Action Front in hope of repealing or amending it. The leadership of the Tunku was also openly questioned.[86] This article is on all of the Northern and Southwestern Chinese dialects. ... The Islamic Party of Malaysia (commonly known as PAS or Pas, from the Malay Parti Islam SeMalaysia) is an Islamist political party in Malaysia and is currently headed by Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang. ...


May 13

Main article: May 13 Incident

In 1969, a general election was held. It was the first to be contested on a major scale by non-Malay-based opposition parties, other than the 1964 election where the PAP challenged the Alliance in Peninsular Malaysia. The two main opposition parties on this front in 1969 were the Democratic Action Party (DAP) — the Malaysian successor to the PAP, widely seen as Chinese-based — and the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan), an ostensibly multiracial party led by former MCA stalwart, Lim Chong Eu, and other middle-class intellectuals like Tan Chee Khoon and Syed Hussein Alatas. Both proposed policies on language, education, and Malay rights that were diametrically opposed to those of the government, with the DAP continuing where Lee Kuan Yew had left off with the "Malaysian Malaysia" campaign. Some, mostly from the DAP, called for the elevation of English, Mandarin and Tamil to official language status, along with Malay. Stronger government support for the Chinese education stream was also demanded.[87] The May 13 Incident saw numerous cases of arson in the Malaysian capital city of Kuala Lumpur. ... The Malaysian general election of 1969 was the third general election since independence, held in West Malaysia (Malaya) on May 10, 1969, and in East Malaysia later in the month. ... Democratic Action Party (DAP) logo The Democratic Action Party (DAP, Parti Tindakan Demokratik in Malay) is Malaysias largest secular and Socialist opposition party. ... Parti Gerakan Logo The Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysian Peoples Movement Party in English) formed on 24th March 1968, is a liberal party in Malaysia. ... Tun Dato Seri Dr. Lim Chong Eu (Chinese :林蒼祐) was born in 1919 in Penang. ... This article is about the socio-economic class from a global vantage point. ... Although Tan Chee Khoon was active in politics, he spent a significant amount of his time — especially after retirement — on philanthropy. ... Syed Hussein Alatas was a founding member of the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan), which performed relatively successfully in the 1969 general elections. ... The English language is a West Germanic language that originates in England. ... This article is on all of the Northern and Southwestern Chinese dialects. ... Tamil (தமிழ் ) is a classical language and one of the major languages belonging to the Dravidian language family. ...

PAS, on the other hand, attempted to garner votes by accusing UMNO of selling out the Malays' indigenous rights to "pendatang asing" (aliens). When the results were released, PAS had made minor inroads, but the DAP and Gerakan managed to topple the Alliance from power in three states, and nearly eradicated the Alliance's traditional two thirds majority in Parliament.[88] A large part of these gains came at the expense of the MCA, which soon announced that it would not participate in the new government after the election, as the MCA no longer had a mandate to represent Chinese interests in the government. The jubilant DAP and Gerakan organised victory parades in the national capital of Kuala Lumpur on May 11 and May 12, where participants taunted the Malays while bearing slogans such as "Semua Melayu kasi habis" ("Finish off all the Malays"). An apology was issued soon after the rallies. Nevertheless, the shocked Malays blamed Chinese voters for betraying "the Alliance formula by voting for an opposition that had revived fundamental questions of language and Malay special rights".[89] Image File history File links Gerakan_celebrate_after_1969_election. ... Image File history File links Gerakan_celebrate_after_1969_election. ... Parti Gerakan Logo The Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysian Peoples Movement Party in English) formed on 24th March 1968, is a liberal party in Malaysia. ... Tun Dato Seri Dr. Lim Chong Eu (Chinese :林蒼祐) was born in 1919 in Penang. ... Syed Hussein Alatas was a founding member of the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan), which performed relatively successfully in the 1969 general elections. ... The Malaysian Houses of Parliament in Kuala Lumpur. ... The Malaysian general election of 1969 was the third general election since independence, held in West Malaysia (Malaya) on May 10, 1969, and in East Malaysia later in the month. ... Pendatang asing or orang pendatang is a common Malay phrase used to refer to foreigners or immigrants. ... Nickname: Motto: Maju dan makmur (English: Progress and Prosper) Location in Malaysia Coordinates: , Country State Establishment 1857 Granted city status 1974 Government  - Mayor (Datuk Bandar) Datuk Abdul Hakim Borhan From 14 December 2006 Area  - City 243. ... is the 131st day of the year (132nd in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... is the 132nd day of the year (133rd in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ...


Malay extremists welcomed the MCA's move, feeling an UMNO- and Malay-dominated government would better serve their purposes.[90][91] UMNO held its own rally, which soon became a riot, on May 13. This would later be euphemistically labeled as the "May 13 Incident". The rally had reportedly been organised by Selangor Chief Minister Harun bin Idris, a man perceived as a Malay chauvinist.[92] UMNO supporters gathered at Harun's house on the evening of May 13, where the rally was due to start, with many brandishing parangs (machetes) and other weapons. Some leaders condemned the "insults" of the "infidels" at the previous victory parades, calling the counter-rally a means "to teach the Chinese a lesson" for challenging Malay supremacy. Soon, the crowd began attacking passing Chinese motorists, and launched arson attacks on Chinese homes and shops. The rioting spread, and, despite the military being called in, continued for another two days.[93][94] The May 13 Incident saw numerous cases of arson in the Malaysian capital city of Kuala Lumpur. ... Dato Seri Harun bin Haji Idris (22 December 1925 – 19 October 2003) was a Malaysian politician. ... Parang is a musical style which fuses together Venezuelan and Calypso influences to create up beat tempos with a Spanish style and is popular in Trinidad & Tobago and various areas of Venezuela. ... This does not cite its references or sources. ... The Skyline Parkway Motel in Afton, Virginia after an arson fire on July 9, 2004. ...


As a result of the riots, Parliament was suspended, and a state of national emergency was declared. A National Operations Council (NOC) was formed to oversee the administration of the country under emergency rule. Although the rioting had died down, tensions continued to simmer. A non-Malay boycott of Malay goods and services received "near total" support, while many Malays, such as Mahathir Mohamad and Raja Muktaruddin Daim began calling for an autocracy led by UMNO alone, and the removal of the Tunku. According to some sources, one group of "ultras", comprising Syed Nasir Ismail, Musa Hitam, and Tengku Razaleigh, felt that the power-sharing Constitution had failed, and agreed that the country had to be "returned" to the Malays. They allegedly agreed to summon Mahathir to Kuala Lumpur, where he led his anti-Tunku campaign.[95] The Malaysian Houses of Parliament in Kuala Lumpur. ... The National Operations Council was an emergency administrative body which attempted to restore law and order in Malaysia during the race riots in 1967. ... Mahathir bin Mohamad (born December 20, 1925 in Alor Star, Kedah) was the Prime Minister of Malaysia from July 16, 1981 to 2003. ... Raja Muktaruddin Daim was a Malaysian politician and leader of the UMNO who promoted the idea of an autocracy in Malaysia controlled by the UMNO and the Malay ethnic group. ... Forms of government Part of the Politics series Politics Portal This box:      An autocracy is a form of government in which the political power is held by a single person. ... Tan Sri Syed Nasir bin Ismail (? – 1982) was a Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of the Parliament of Malaysia. ... Tan Sri Musa bin Hitam aka Moses Black received his Bachelors degree from the University of Malaya and his Masters degree from the University of Sussex. ... Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah Tan Sri Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (born 1937) is a major Malaysian political figure from the state of Kelantan, and a former Finance Minister. ...


Mahathir wrote an open letter to the Tunku, accusing him of "giving the Chinese what they demand ... you have given them too much face." Soon, students at higher educational institutions across the country began to hold mass demonstrations, calling for the Tunku to step down in favour of a leader who would restore "Malay sovereignty". Sporadic rioting, believed to have been instigated by the Tunku's opponents, broke out.[96] An open letter is a letter that is intended to be read by a wide audience, or a letter intended for an individual, but that is nonetheless widely distributed intentionally. ...


Instead of bowing to their demands, the Tunku had Mahathir and Musa Hitam expelled from UMNO. The Minister of Home Affairs, Ismail Abdul Rahman, alleged that "These ultras believe in the wild and fantastic theory of absolute dominion by one race over the other communities, regardless of the Constitution. ... Polarisation has taken place in Malaysian politics and the extreme racialists among the ruling party are making a desperate bid to topple the present leadership."[97] Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman (November 4, 1915 - August 2, 1973) was a Malaysian politician. ...


The Malay Dilemma and New Economic Policy

Mahathir spent his political exile writing The Malay Dilemma, where he contended "that the Malays are the original or indigenous people of Malaya and the only people who can claim Malaya as their one and only country. In accordance with practice all over the world, this confers on the Malays certain inalienable rights over the forms and obligations of citizenship which can be imposed on citizens of non-indigenous origin." (Referring to the social contract.)[98] Under the Malaysian New Economic Policy, Bumiputras are given discounts on real estate. ... The Malay Dilemma is a controversial book written by Mahathir bin Mohamad in 1970. ... The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the countrys founding fathers in the Constitution. ...


Mahathir expressed discomfort with "far too many non-Malay citizens who can swamp the Malays"[99] when "...suddenly it has dawned upon the Malay that he cannot even call Malaya his land. There is no more Tanah Melayu — land of the Malays. He is now a different person, a Malaysian, but a Malay Malaysian whose authority in Malaya — his land — is now not only shared with others, but shared unequally. And as if this is not enough, he is being asked to give up more and more of his share of influence."[100] Mahathir's defence of Malay rights focused both on the "definitive people" line of reasoning and the argument in favour of affirmative action, which the Reid Commission had chosen: "It is not... for reasons of Malay superiority that preferential treatment for Malays in scholarship awards was insisted upon. ... They are a means of breaking down the superior position of the non-Malays in the field of education. The Malays are not proud of this treatment."[101] Shortly after becoming Prime Minister, Mahathir denied he had altered any of his views since he wrote the book.[102]

Under the NEP, Bumiputra real estate purchases were subsidised.
Under the NEP, Bumiputra real estate purchases were subsidised.

Mahathir and Musa Hitam later rejoined UMNO and the government under Tun Abdul Razak, the second Prime Minister, whose New Economic Policy (NEP), was based on some of the reforms Mahathir's book had advocated. The NEP's stated goal was elimination of "the identification of race with economic function".[103] To achieve this, it targeted a 30% share of the economy for the "Bumiputra" — "sons of the soil," a term used to describe Malays and other indigenous peoples — by 1990. This became known as the "30 per cent solution" setting the "Bumiputra quota" for many items, including new public share listings and new private housing schemes. Certain commentators alleged that this fostered "a close to 'zero-sum' attitude chiefly between the Malays and Chinese".[104] The NEP's stated aim, however, was not to directly redistribute wealth but to enlarge the economic pie while providing a larger share of the gains for Malays, thus increasing participation in the economy for all.[105] Image File history File links Download high resolution version (1200x900, 168 KB) Summary This is a modified composite of two photographs of a real estate advertisement in the New Straits Times January 21, 2006 edition, page 27. ... Real estate is a legal term that encompasses land along with anything permanently affixed to the land, such as buildings. ... Tun Abdul Razak bin Dato Hussein (1922-1976) was the second Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling from 1970 to 1976. ... Under the Malaysian New Economic Policy, Bumiputras are given discounts on real estate. ... Zero-sum describes a situation in which a participants gain (or loss) is exactly balanced by the losses (or gains) of the other participant(s). ...


The main rationale for the NEP as set out in the Second Malaysia Plan was to address the "economic imbalance" between the Chinese and Malays. In 1969, the Malay share of equity reportedly stood at 1.5% while the Chinese held 22.8%; the rest was largely in foreign hands.[106] Some detractors argued that while the Chinese share of the economy had increased at the Malays' expense, more significant growth in inequality had occurred between the richest and poorest Malays — between 1957 and 1970, the wealthiest 20% of Malays' share in the Malay portion of the economy reportedly increased from 42.5% to 52.5% while the poorest 40% saw a decrease from 19.5% to 12.7%.[107] Crop diversification was introduced during the Second Malaysia Plan, phasing out rubber in favour of oil palm. ...


The NOC issued a report of its own analysing the root causes of the May 13 violence, suggesting that even in the civil service, a traditional Malay employer, non-Malays outnumbered the Malays in many areas, with substantial Malay majorities only in the Police and Armed Forces. The report concluded: "Allegations that the non-Malays are excluded are regarded by the Malays as deliberate distortion. The Malays who already felt excluded in the country's economic life, now began to feel a threat to their place in the public services. No mention was ever made by non-Malay politicians of the almost closed-door attitude to the Malays by non-Malays in large sections of the private sector in this country."[108]


According to the Second Malaysia Plan, the NEP aimed to "create a Malay commercial and industrial community" through "wholly owned enterprises and joint ventures". Prior to this, the government had, in the words of a local economist, played "administrative, supportive, and regulatory" roles in attempting to address the economic imbalance, but avoided "represent[ing] direct and active efforts in promoting" Malay interests.[109] Now, the government would not only "[limit] access of the Chinese and Indian population to universities, public jobs and public money," but also actively intervene in the economy to give "[the Bumiputra] a bigger piece of the business action".[110] One criticism of this increased intervention was that UMNO supposedly "became a major beneficiary of the expanded role of the state".[111]


There had been limited affirmative action programmes before. However, these mostly focused on the civil service, as Article 153 of the Constitution did. Admission to higher education was largely merit-based. The Tunku government preferred laissez-faire policies, minimising economic intervention.[43] Although some agencies, such as the Rural Industrial Development Agency (RIDA), which attempted to aid Malay entrepreneurs, existed, their programs were criticised as being based on handouts and favouring the politically-connected. RIDA was renamed as the Majlis Amanah Rakyat (The Indigenous People's Trust Council) or MARA in 1965, and came to symbolise the development of Malay entrepreneurship.[112] Affirmative action refers to policies intended to promote access to education or employment aimed at a historically socio-politically non-dominant group (typically, minorities or women). ... Laissez-faire is short for laissez faire, laissez passer, a French phrase meaning to let things alone, let them pass. First used by the eighteenth century Physiocrats as an injunction against government interference with trade, it is now used as a synonym for strict free market economics. ... The Rural Industrial Development Agency is a program to provide economic assistance and support to Malay farmers and rural inhabitants in Malaysia. ... Entrepreneurs created by Thomas Clarke in 2001. ... A handout is something given freely or distributed gratis (without compensation). ... The Majlis Amanah Rakyat (Malay: Peoples Trust Council; commonly abbreviated as MARA) is a Malaysian government agency. ...


Although the NEP was aimed at addressing economic imbalances, it soon became associated with ketuanan Melayu. While the two were rarely directly equated, they were often mentioned together, with the implication that the NEP was derived from ketuanan Melayu. The NEP's greater intervention in the economy led some to "equate UMNO's monolithic image as the undisputed champion of Malay supremacy with the party's ability to shore up lucrative business deals."[113][114][115]


Constitutional amendments and other policy changes

Parliament passed several amendments to the Constitution soon after the May 13 Incident, limiting free speech and "entrenching" certain articles related to Bumiputra special rights.
Parliament passed several amendments to the Constitution soon after the May 13 Incident, limiting free speech and "entrenching" certain articles related to Bumiputra special rights.

Parliament finally reconvened again in 1971. Although the NEP was passed without its approval, Parliament's consent was required to amend the Constitution. The government-tabled Constitution (Amendment) Act 1971, in conjunction with some amendments to the Sedition Act,[116] limited freedom of speech on "sensitive issues" such as the national language, Malay special rights, the Malay rulers, and the provisions for citizenship. These restrictions also applied to Members of Parliament, overruling their previous Parliamentary immunity. The amendments also clarified Article 152's meaning, and included the "natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak" under Article 153, extending the formerly Malay-only rights to all Bumiputra.[117] In addition, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King) could now direct any university or college to implement a proportion-based quota system favouring the Bumiputra. All higher educational institutions immediately enacted quota systems on the orders of the Education Ministry; some later questioned the move's constitutionality on the grounds that the King himself had not issued any directive.[118] Image File history File links MalaysianParliament. ... Image File history File links MalaysianParliament. ... The Malaysian Houses of Parliament in Kuala Lumpur. ... The May 13 Incident saw numerous cases of arson in the Malaysian capital city of Kuala Lumpur. ... Freedom of speech is the right to freely say what one pleases, as well as the related right to hear what others have stated. ... An entrenchment clause of a constitution is a provision which makes certain amendments either more difficult than others or impossible. ... Bumiputra or Bumiputera (Malay, from Sanskrit Bhumiputra; translated literally, it means son of the soil), is an official definition widely used in Malaysia, embracing ethnic Malays as well as other indigenous ethnic groups such as the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak. ... The allegations of a political conspiracy against former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia Anwar Ibrahim led to charges of sedition under the Sedition Act against his lead counsel, Karpal Singh. ... Parliamentary immunity is a system in which members of the parliament are granted partial immunity from prosecution. ... Bumiputra or Bumiputera (Malay, from Sanskrit Bhumiputra; translated literally, it means son of the soil), is an official definition widely used in Malaysia, embracing ethnic Malays as well as other indigenous ethnic groups such as the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak. ... Flag of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia Yang di-Pertuan Agong, a Malay title usually translated as Supreme Ruler or Paramount Ruler, is the official title of the constitutional head of state of the federation of Malaysia. ... Representation of a university class, 1350s. ... College (Latin collegium) is a term most often used today to denote an educational institution. ... Racial quotas in employment and education are numerical requirements for hiring, promoting, admitting and/or graduating members of a particular racial group. ...


To cap all this, the amendment of articles touching on the "sensitive issues" mentioned, as well as the clause governing this rule on amendments, was forbidden without the consent of the Conference of Rulers. Effectively entrenching the "sensitive" Articles, this was heavily criticised by opposition MPs. It was claimed that if Parliament could be prevented from discussing particular issue, Parliamentary sovereignty was undermined. It was also unclear if the ban from speaking on "sensitive issues" applied to the ban itself. Nevertheless, the provisions were passed.[117] The Internal Security Act (ISA), which effectively allows the government to detain anyone it deems a threat to national security for an indefinite period without judicial review, was also amended in 1971 to stress the "preservation of intercommunal harmony".[119] The Conference of Rulers (also Council of Rulers, Malay: Majlis Raja-Raja) in Malaysia is a group comprising the nine rulers of the Malay states, and the governors or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the other four states. ... Parliamentary sovereignty, parliamentary supremacy, or legislative supremacy is a concept in constitutional law that applies to some parliamentary democracies. ... The Internal Security Act 1960 (ISA) is a preventive detention law in force in Malaysia. ... Judicial review is the power of a court to review the actions of public sector bodies in terms of their constitutionality. ...


Many of these changes saw fierce opposition in Parliament and abroad. When the proposed changes were first announced, the British press charged they would "preserve as immutable the feudal system dominating Malay society" by "giving this archaic body of petty constitutional monarchs incredible blocking power". The censorship of sensitive issues was labeled as paradoxical when contrasted with Tun Abdul Razak's speaking of "the full realization that important matters must no longer be swept under the carpet..."[120] Other critics argued that Article 153 was nothing more than a "paper rice bowl", and in any case, did not even include the orang asli (literally Malay for "native people") or aborigines within the scope of its privileges, rendering its rationale somewhat suspect.[121] Feudalism comes from the Late Latin word feudum, itself borrowed from a Germanic root *fehu, a commonly used term in the Middle Ages which means fief, or land held under certain obligations by feodati. ... Orang Asli is a general term used for any indigenous groups that are found in Peninsular Malaysia. ...


Another important policy change came in the field of education. In 1970, the government made Malay the medium of instruction for primary, secondary, and tertiary education, replacing English. Although government funding for the Chinese and Tamil education streams continued, many non-Malays considered this new policy to be "the most discriminatory" thus far. The government's rationale was that this would provide better educational opportunities for the Malays, especially those who formerly had to make the transition from Malay-medium primary and secondary schools to English-medium universities. It was also argued that uniting students under one language would provide for greater racial harmony, while indirectly underscoring the "Malay nature of the state".[109]


The same year that the medium of instruction was changed to Malay, the National Culture Policy (NCP) was announced. Syed Nasir Ismail described the government's policies as aimed at creating a "Bumiputra Muslim identity" (identiti Islam Kebumiputraan) for Malaysians.[122] In essence, the NCP's goal was to eventually assimilate the non-indigenous peoples into an indigenous Malaysian identity. Despite stiff opposition from Chinese pressure groups, the government refused to withdraw the NCP.[123] To foster national unity, the Rukunegara, or national ideology, was also introduced. Although the Rukunegara itself contains no references to ketuanan Melayu or the social contract, a government commentary mentioned the "position of Malays and other Natives, the legitimate interests of the other communities, and the conferment of citizenship" as key aspects of the Constitution while insisting: "No citizen should question the loyalty of another citizen on the ground that he belongs to a particular community." One political pundit described it as a formal declaration of the social contract or "Racial Bargain".[124] This article does not cite any references or sources. ... Tan Sri Syed Nasir bin Ismail (? – 1982) was a Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of the Parliament of Malaysia. ... Rukunegara or sometimes Rukun Negara is a philosophy - de facto Malaysian pledge of allegiance - introduced by the Malaysian government 1970 in reaction to a serious race riot known as the May 13 Incident which occurred in 1969. ...


Politics and "Malay dominance"

The old Alliance model, where each race was represented by one party, was repudiated with the formation of the Barisan Nasional (BN, or the National Front) in 1974. Several former opposition parties, including Gerakan, the PPP and PAS, joined the UMNO-led BN. Although the MCA and MIC were included, their influence was diluted by other non-Malay parties in the coalition. In 1977, PAS' expulsion left UMNO as the sole Malay representative in BN, although some ostensibly multiracial parties provided token Malay representation.[125] After its departure, PAS took a different approach to Malay privileges, denouncing the NEP as racial discrimination and "unIslamic".[126] Barisan Nasional (National Front or BN) is a political coalition in Malaysia. ...


In 1974, Mahathir was appointed as a Minister in Tun Razak's Cabinet. He became the Deputy Prime Minister just two years later, under Tun Hussein Onn, who had succeeded Tun Razak upon the latter's sudden death.[127] Tun Hussein Onn (1922-1990) was the third Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling from 1976 to 1981. ...


During the 1970s — the heyday of the NEP — "Malay dominance" was a largely accepted fact of life for Malaysians.[127] Whereas the 1957 to 1969 period was viewed as a time when "Malay dominance" was at least tempered by a form of "inter-ethnic bargaining" within the Alliance government, from the May 13 Incident onwards, political pundits argued that the political environment was now under marked "hegemonic control" from the Malays and UMNO;[128] in 1970, one Cabinet member pronounced that Malay special rights would remain for "hundreds of years to come".[129] The Tunku observed in 1977 that "it appears in the minds of the [non-Bumiputras] that they are being turned into second-class citizens in the country."[130] The government's ethnic policies continued to be based on and justified by the two basic arguments Mahathir had applied in his Dilemma; the "historical" status of Malay primacy over Malaya, and the "special needs" of the Malays.[131] As public discussion or questioning of these issues had been criminalised, there were few locally-published works critically discussing Malay supremacy, complicating attempts to evaluate it or establish further grounds for government policy beyond the main two traditionally put forth.


The "ultras" who had allegedly plotted to exploit the post-May 13 chaos were now in control of the country. Razaleigh, the Finance Minister, was hailed as the "Father of the Bumiputra Economy" .[132] Musa Hitam and Mahathir, both rising stars on the political scene, maintained their image as "ultras", although it is unclear if this was their intention. Journalist K. Das once claimed Musa had told him "that a young Malaysian politician has to play the race card to the hilt even if there was not a single chauvinistic bone in his body."[133] After retiring, Musa said that "the national leaders tend to look for a scapegoat when faced with a desperate crisis situation" and use racial tactics to fill their "empty stomach".[134] Bumiputra or Bumiputera (Malay, from Sanskrit Bhumiputra; translated literally, it means son of the soil), is an official definition widely used in Malaysia, embracing ethnic Malays as well as other indigenous ethnic groups such as the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak. ... The Scapegoat by William Holman Hunt, 1854. ...


UMNO Youth in particular maintained its "ultra" image from the 60s. One of its Vice-Presidents said in response to discussion of opening different teams in UMNO based on political ideology that "The original cause of UMNO is to fight for the interests of the Malay race and this must continue. We do not want factions in UMNO."[135] In 1980, Tun Hussein Onn announced that he would be handing power over to Mahathir due to poor health. Mahathir took office in 1981, with Musa Hitam as his deputy. Tun Hussein Onn (1922-1990) was the third Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling from 1976 to 1981. ...


Mahathir administration

Affirmative action and Chinese protests

At a political rally, future Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak threatened to bathe a keris with Chinese blood.
At a political rally, future Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak threatened to bathe a keris with Chinese blood.

The affirmative action policies of the NEP continued under Mahathir. Political pundits considered this administration, in its early period, to be a continuation of the "hegemonic control" of Malaysian politics by the Malays, and by UMNO in particular.[128] During this time, Mahathir focused on consolidating his power within UMNO and the government.[136] As a result, there was little active confrontation between the Malays and the non-Malays on the issue of ketuanan Melayu at the time. Image File history File linksMetadata Download high-resolution version (726x924, 491 KB) Other versions Image:Najib. ... Image File history File linksMetadata Download high-resolution version (726x924, 491 KB) Other versions Image:Najib. ... Dato Sri Najib Bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak (born July 23, 1953 in Kuala Lipis, Pahang) is the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia since January 7, 2004. ... A keris or spelled as kris in English is a symbolic weapon that is mainly used in Southeast Asian countries. ... Operation Lalang (or in English, Weeding Operation; also referred to as Ops Lallang) was carried out on 27 October 1987 by the Malaysian police to crackdown on opposition leaders and social activists. ... The Sultan Abdul Samad Building housed the Supreme Court at the time of the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis. ...


In 1981, the MCA assessed the NEP and other government policies from a Chinese point of view. Its findings expressed concern over a number of problems, including alleged disrespect of the citizenship of the Malaysian Chinese and the Malay-dominated civil service, claiming the NEP's goal of eradicating identification of race with economic function had been abrogated.[137] In addition, it was argued that non-Malays were under-represented in Parliament and the Cabinet because of gerrymandering; mostly Malay rural Parliamentary constituencies outnumbered heterogeneous urban constituencies, despite the total population of urban constituencies exceeding that of rural ones.[138] However, UMNO avoided directly confronting the MCA over the issue. Elections Part of the Politics series Politics Portal This box:      The Gerry-Mander first appeared in this cartoon-map in the Boston Gazette, 26 March 1812 Gerrymandering is a form of redistricting in which electoral district or constituency boundaries are manipulated for an electoral advantage. ...



Tensions rose after the 1986 general election when it appeared that UMNO on its own commanded a working Parliamentary majority, allowing it to govern without the support of other parties. Several UMNO leaders seriously discussed the possibility of governing alone; one, Abdullah Ahmad, publicly espoused permanent Malay supremacy and relegating non-Malays to second-class citizenship. Such calls for unilateralism were eventually disregarded, and the Barisan Nasional government continued. However, some UMNO officials warned non-Malay parties to avoid "playing with fire" by questioning the Malays' special rights and privileges or Hak Keistimewaan Orang Melayu. At the UMNO General Assembly that year, Mahathir stated: "We do not wish to rob other people of their rights. But let no one try to rob us of our rights." When Parliament reconvened, the DAP began raising objections to what they alleged was the division of Malaysians into "first and second class citizens". In response, some UMNO MPs began referring to the non-Malays as pendatang asing (foreign immigrants, or aliens) in Parliament. When the DAP attempted to enquire about the distribution of economic equity among the races to evaluate the NEP's progress, the Standing Orders of Parliament were amended to forbid such inquiries. This led the DAP to allege that the NEP's aims had been met, and that it could be allowed to expire in 1990.[139] The Malaysian general election of 1986 was won by the UMNO, which formed a parliamentary majority on its own for the first time. ... Tan Sri Abdullah Ahmad (born 1933) is a Malaysian journalist and a politician. ... Pendatang asing or orang pendatang is a common Malay phrase used to refer to foreigners or immigrants. ...


Ethnic tension continued to grow shortly after Mahathir narrowly defeated Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah for the UMNO Presidency in 1987. Around this time, several deposit-taking co-operatives (DTCs), some associated with the MCA, collapsed. To save Chinese investors, the MCA asked the government to bail out the DTCs, citing a previous bailout of Bumiputra financial institutions. UMNO's reluctance to acquiesce led MCA Deputy President Lee Kim Sai to warn that the MCA might quit the government. Later that year, the government posted several non-Chinese-educated staff to senior positions in Chinese vernacular schools. Anwar Ibrahim, then Education Minister, refused to yield to protests from the MCA, and stated that the decision was final, despite a previous informal agreement on the issue between the Malay and Chinese communities.[140] Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (born 1937) is a major Malaysian political figure from the state of Kelantan. ... Deposit-taking co-operatives are a form of industry in Malaysia key to the economic and political interests of Chinese Malaysians. ... Lee Kim Sai is a Chinese Malaysian politician and leader of the Malaysian Chinese Association. ... Dato Seri Anwar bin Ibrahim (born August 10, 1947) is a former deputy prime minister and finance minister of Malaysia. ...


The Gerakan, MCA and DAP held rallies and boycotted classes in Chinese primary schools to protest the move;[141] UMNO Youth held its own rallies to assert ketuanan Melayu, hosting banners with slogans such as "revoke the citizenship of those who opposed the Malay rulers", "May 13 has begun", and "soak it [the keris, a Malay dagger] with Chinese blood".[142] Future Deputy Prime Minister and then UMNO Youth Chief Najib Razak (the son of Tun Razak) threatened to bathe a keris with Chinese blood.[143] The flames were fanned further when in an unrelated incident, a Malay soldier ran amok in a predominantly Chinese area, killing one and injuring another two.[141] A keris or spelled as kris in English is a symbolic weapon that is mainly used in Southeast Asian countries. ... Dato Sri Najib Bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak (born July 23, 1953 in Kuala Lipis, Pahang) is the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia since January 7, 2004. ...


The government then launched Operation Lalang (Weeding Operation), detaining 55 people under the ISA. More were arrested over the next few months. Although most were opposition politicians — including Parliamentary Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang — a few from BN were included. All BN politicians were released from detention after two months, while those from the opposition remained in custody for much longer. The government later justified these detentions on grounds of security, stating that the detainees had played up the issue of Chinese education to incite racial sentiment.[144] Some of Mahathir's supporters saw this as a vindication of his rejection of the Tunku's "compromise" with the non-Malays, teaching the non-Malays not to criticise the government and its pro-Malay policies.[145] Operation Lalang (or in English, Weeding Operation; also referred to as Ops Lallang) was carried out on 27 October 1987 by the Malaysian police to crackdown on opposition leaders and social activists. ... Lim Kit Siang (born February 20, 1941; Chinese: 林吉祥; pinyin: Lín Jíxiáng) is a prominent leader of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), a socialist opposition party in Malaysia. ...


Many critics did not take this explanation seriously. UMNO was in crisis at the time, with Mahathir's faction narrowly defeating Razaleigh's in the party elections. Razaleigh's supporters filed a lawsuit alleging irregularities in the election process which appeared likely to succeed, triggering new party elections. In this context, one MCA politician charged that the government had pursued a "hidden agenda," deflecting public attention from UMNO's crisis with a "deviation in the implementation of the Chinese education policy." The Tunku himself claimed that Mahathir used the issue to mobilise the Malays "as a united force to a common enemy — and the imaginary enemy in this case was the Chinese community."[146] Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah Tan Sri Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (born 1937) is a major Malaysian political figure from the state of Kelantan, and a former Finance Minister. ... It has been suggested that civil trial be merged into this article or section. ...

The Lord President of the Supreme Court, Salleh Abas, was sacked by Mahathir soon after he agreed to hear the appeal of Mahathir's opponents within UMNO.

In the end, Mahathir's camp "won" the court case when it was held that as the party was an illegal organisation under the Societies Act due to some of its branches not being formally registered, the plaintiffs' case was invalid; an illegal society could not hold new elections for its leaders. Mahathir immediately set up "UMNO (Baru)" (New UMNO), transferring all of old UMNO's assets to the new party. Most of his supporters also joined UMNO (Baru), and eventually the "(Baru)" was dropped, making it, for all intents and purposes, the same as the old UMNO. When the Supreme Court agreed to hear an appeal on the case, the government suspended and later sacked Lord President Salleh Abas and five other Supreme Court judges, triggering the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis. The new Supreme Court later dismissed the case.[147] Image File history File links KualaLumpurAbdulSamadBldg. ... Image File history File links KualaLumpurAbdulSamadBldg. ... -1... A plaintiff, also known as a claimant or complainer, is the party who initiates a lawsuit (also known as an action) before a court. ... -1... The Sultan Abdul Samad Building housed the Supreme Court at the time of the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis. ...


Razaleigh then formed the Semangat 46 (Spirit of '46) party to challenge the government. In the 1990 general election, ketuanan Melayu was used as an issue, with UMNO accusing Semangat 46, PAS, the DAP and other opposition parties of conspiring to end Malay supremacy. The government also repeatedly warned that the May 13 riots would be repeated if it did not maintain its two-thirds majority in Parliament. Full-page advertisements depicting bloodshed and carnage were published in major national newspapers. Tensions rose further when the Tunku called on voters to support Semangat 46 instead of the new UMNO, with several UMNO politicians demanding that his title of "Bapa Kemerdekaan" (Father of Independence) be withdrawn, and his statue removed from Parliament House. Despite this, the government retained its two-thirds Parliamentary majority, with Semangat 46 winning only eight seats.[148] Semangat 46 (Spirit of 46) is a now defunct Malaysian political party. ... The Malaysian general election of 1990 was won by the UMNO under Mahathir Mohamad on the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu. ... Semangat 46 (Spirit of 46) is a now defunct Malaysian political party. ... The Islamic Party of Malaysia (commonly known as PAS or Pas, from the Malay Parti Islam SeMalaysia) is an Islamist political party in Malaysia and is currently headed by Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang. ...


Reviewing and reworking economic policies

Prior to the expiration of the NEP in 1990, there was much debate over whether the policy should be renewed, replaced, or scrapped altogether. The government organised an official review of the NEP in the years leading up to its expiration. The NEP had been faced with a number of criticisms throughout its lifetime, most of them related to political corruption and other inefficiencies. World map of the Corruption Perceptions Index, which measures the degree to which corruption is perceived to exist among public officials and politicians. Blue colors indicate little corruption, red colors indicate much corruption In broad terms, political corruption is the misuse by government officials of their governmental powers for illegitimate...


One point of dispute was the calculation of Malay equity. Although officially, as of 1992, the Malays controlled 18% of the economy, some dismissed this figure as misleading. It was argued that as in reality, much of this amount comprised equity held by government agencies, it belonged to Malaysians as a whole.[149] The practice of awarding public works contracts mainly to Bumiputras was argued to be stifling Malay competency by providing little incentive to improve. Many Bumiputra contractors in turn subcontracted their jobs to others, who were in some cases Chinese; "Ali Baba" arrangements with "the Malay [Ali] using his privileges to acquire licences and permits denied the non-Malay, then accepting a fee to be the front-man while the non-Malay [Baba] ran the business," were prevalent. Some suggested that the NEP "might have worked, if the Malay had actually wanted to learn the ropes. But more often than not, he just wanted to be rich."[150] Ali Baba by Maxfield Parrish (1909). ...


Some said the disbursement of shares favoured the politically-connected, many of whom immediately sold the shares at market price, reaping the arbitrage instead of holding on and increasing the Malay share of equity, which the policy was intended to do. Although the NEP managed to create a class of Malay millionaires, it was charged that this was mainly due to cronyism, benefiting only the politically-connected.[151] Some agreed, but argued against taking action; one PAS politician stated: "The Malays do not want justice to affect their interests."[152] Other commentators have suggested that although most of the benefits under the NEP accrued to the politically-connected, the government intended for them to "trickle down to the Malay masses", and also for the Malay nouveau riche to provide "entrepreneurial role models" for other Malays.[110] In economics and finance, arbitrage is the practice of taking advantage of a price differential between two or more markets: a combination of matching deals are struck that capitalize upon the imbalance, the profit being the difference between the market prices. ... For other uses, see Millionaire (disambiguation). ... “Crony” redirects here. ... This article or section should include material from Trickle-down theory In economics the trickle-down effect is central to conservative economic theory that rejects Keynesian economics. ... Nouveau riche (French for new rich), or new money refers to persons who acquire wealth within their generation. ...


During the 1980s, concern continued to grow about discrimination in higher education. At this point, the Education Minister told Parliament of "dissatisfaction" and "disappointment" among non-Malays concerning "lessening opportunities" for higher education.[153] Later in 1997, then Education Minister Najib Tun Razak defended the quotas as necessary, claiming that only 5% of all local undergraduates would be Malays if quotas were abolished.[154] Dato Sri Mohd Najib Bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak (born July 23, 1953, in Kuala Lipis, Pahang) is a Malaysian politician and has been the countrys Deputy Prime Minister since January 7, 2004. ...


Another criticism was that the NEP and other affirmative action had actually reduced the Malays' self-confidence, despite Mahathir's intention of building a Malay business class to serve as role models for impoverished Malays. One Malay journalist opined: "[U]nder this New Economic Policy, no Bumiputra could ever be sure that such 'victories' as came his way were fully deserved."[155] The NEP was also criticised for seeking to improve the Malays' overall share of the economy, even if this share were to be held by a small number of Malays.[156] Some quarters accused the NEP of being too heavy-handed in its approach towards affirmative action, maintaining it had "deprived qualified non-Malays of opportunities for higher education and job promotions" and forcing many non-Malays to emigrate instead.[157] This, combined with the impressions of the NEP as corrupt and associated with ketuanan Melayu, led to "deep resentment", particularly among the Chinese.[158] The NEP was criticised as "set[ting] those Malaysians so honoured with it above the rest, granting them the preferential treatment of the NEP," while "divid[ing] Malaysians into first- and second-class citizens".[159] Don Imus, The term role model was introduced by Robert K. Merton[1]. Merton says that individuals compare themselves with reference groups of people who occupy the social role to which the individual aspires. ...


In 1990, the NEP was replaced by the National Development Policy (NDP), which continued most of the NEP-era policies. The Malay share of the economy, though substantially larger, was not near the 30% target according to government figures. In its review of the NEP, the government found that although income inequality had been reduced, some important targets related to overall Malay corporate ownership had not been met. Both Mahathir and the Tunku had expressed concern that the Malays remained too reliant on the Chinese economically.[160][161] The National Development Policy replaced the Malaysian New Economic Policy in 1990 but continued to pursue most of NEP policies. ...


Claims that the NEP had retarded economic growth were dismissed; it was posited that the NEP had managed to avert further racial rioting, which would have hurt economic growth more than the NEP. The NEP was also defended as having created a Malay middle class and improving standards of living without compromising the non-Bumiputra share of the economy in absolute terms; statistics indicated that the Chinese and Indian middle classes also grew under the NEP, albeit not as much as the Malays'. The overall Malaysian poverty rate had shrunk from 50% at independence to 7%. It was also argued that ethnic stereotypes had been largely stamped out due to the NEP's success in creating a Malay upper class. Although many of the NEP's goals were restated by the NDP, the new policy appeared to be geared more towards wealth retention and creation, as opposed to simple redistribution.[110][162][163] Nevertheless, many of the policies from the NEP era were retained under the NDP, which was set to expire in 2020.[164] The middle class (or middle classes) comprises a social group once defined by exception as an intermediate social class between the nobility and the peasantry. ... The standard of living refers to the quality and quantity of goods and services available to people and the way these services and goods are distributed within a population. ... An ethnic stereotype is a generalized representation of an ethnic group, composed of what are thought to be typical characteristics of members of the group. ...


Bangsa Malaysia and political liberalisation

During the 1990s, Mahathir and UMNO made a public about-face on the government's cultural policies, with the formation of the Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020) and Bangsa Malaysia (Malaysian Race) plans. Mahathir named one obstacle to establishing Malaysia as a developed nation by the year 2020 as: "the challenge of establishing a matured, liberal and tolerant society in which Malaysians of all colours and creeds are free to practice and profess their customs, cultures and religious beliefs and yet feeling that they belong to one nation." Mahathir proposed the establishment of "one Bangsa Malaysia with political loyalty and dedication to the nation". After the government's 1995 general election victory, Mahathir elaborated: "Bangsa Malaysia means people who are able to identify themselves with the country, speak Bahasa Malaysia [the Malaysian or Malay language] and accept the Constitution."[165] Wawasan 2020 is a slogan in Malaysia that stands for a vision of a more developed future Malaysia: a self-sufficient industrial develeped nation, complete with an economy that will be eightfold stronger by the year 2020 (as Greider describes it). ... The Bangsa Malaysia policy was introduced by Mahathir Mohamad, then Prime Minister of Malaysia to create an inclusive national identity for all inhabitants of Malaysia, thus abandoning the National Culture Policy that asserted a Malay ethnic national identity. ... The Malaysian general election of 1995 was won by the UMNO under Mahathir Mohamad on the ideology of Bangsa Malaysia. ... The Malay language, also known locally as Bahasa Melayu, is an Austronesian language spoken by the Malay people who are native to the Malay peninsula, southern Thailand, Singapore and parts of Sumatra. ...


Mahathir later explained that "The idea before was that people should become 100 per cent Malay in order to be Malaysian. We now accept that this is a multi-racial country. We should build bridges instead of trying to remove completely the barriers separating us." Such a dramatic change was perceived by the non-Malay communities as a "complete retraction" of earlier policies emphasising assimilation of non-Malays. The government took measures to stress this change, decreasing emphasis on Malay as the one and only national language by permitting local universities to use English as the medium of instruction for certain subjects. Diplomas from the MCA-sponsored and Chinese-majority Tunku Abdul Rahman College (TARC) were officially recognised by the government for employment in the civil service.[166] For the first time, religions other than Islam were given airtime on state radio and television, although they were not allowed to proselytise.[167] Lion dances — a traditional Chinese performance which had been banned for decades — were not only permitted but even attended by Mahathir and other top government officials.[168] Diploma from Mexico City College, 1948 (in Latin) A diploma (from Greek δίπλωµα diploma) is a certificate or deed issued by an educational institution, such as a university, that testifies that the recipient has successfully completed a particular course of study, or confers an academic degree. ... The Tunku Abdul Rahman College is a college in Malaysia named after the politician Tunku Abdul Rahman. ... For people named Islam, see Islam (name). ... Japanese name Kanji: Korean name Hangul: Hanja: Vietnamese name Quoc Ngu: Lion dance (Simplified Chinese: ; Traditional Chinese: ; Pinyin: ) is a form of traditional dance in Chinese culture, in which performers mimic a lions movements in a lion costume. ...


Although the early 1990s saw marked economic growth, commentators suggested that Mahathir's liberal policies had played the key role in his popularity and the Barisan Nasional's landslide 1995 election victory. One pundit wrote that "Most Malaysians could not remember a time of greater prosperity or lesser inter-ethnic recrimination. ... Economic indicators alone would not have captured the pride that Malaysians had discovered, perhaps for [the] first time, in being Malaysian."[169]


Lim Kit Siang attributed the opposition's defeat to Mahathir's liberalism and the government's adoption of the DAP's stance on issues like "language, culture and education". Some, however, doubted Mahathir's sincerity. One UMNO Youth official suggested that "The Barisan government's flexible move ... only shows that we are enjoying the highest level of tolerance purely based on the level of confidence in terms of political and economic position of the Malays. We share the political power with the Chinese. When [they] need to increase their political support from their community it is very important for them to serve the main concerns of the Chinese. So, why shouldn't we allow that? We can ... achieve a win-win situation. This is a purely political move. ... Similarly we [UMNO Youth] have to be often seen as a very racialist political group fighting for the Malay interests. ... However, those finished agendas that we have done, such as Islam, Bahasa Melayu [the Malay language] and the special status of the Malays, should not be questioned in any circumstance because these are very sensitive issues."[170]


In the latter part of the 1990s, government policies were loosened to combat the Asian economic crisis by encouraging foreign investment. In 1999, a new opposition party supported by Mahathir's former deputy, Anwar Ibrahim (who had been jailed for sodomy after his controversial sacking) led to a revival of the "May 13" warnings. However, the government maintained its Parliamentary majority.[171] In 2003, Mahathir officially resigned as Prime Minister, and was succeeded by his deputy, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. The Asian financial crisis was a financial crisis that started in July 1997 in Thailand, and affected currencies, stock markets, and other asset prices of several Asian countries, many part of the East Asian Tigers. ... Dato Seri Anwar bin Ibrahim (born August 10, 1947) is a former deputy prime minister and finance minister of Malaysia. ... François Elluin, Sodomites provoking the wrath of God, from Le pot pourri de Loth (1781). ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ...


Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, meritocracy, and ketuanan Melayu

A new Prime Minister

After Abdullah Ahmad Badawi succeeded Mahathir as Prime Minister, ketuanan Melayu was introduced into the national secondary school curriculum.
After Abdullah Ahmad Badawi succeeded Mahathir as Prime Minister, ketuanan Melayu was introduced into the national secondary school curriculum.

Prior to Abdullah's ascension in 2003, although ketuanan Melayu had been enunciated by several prominent Malay leaders, it had not been given a proper name. Around this time, the term "ketuanan Melayu" — "tuan" being the Malay word for "lord" or "master" — came into common usage, even entering the government-approved secondary school curriculum.[172] Image File history File links Abdullah_badawi. ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... Secondary school is a term used to describe an institution where the final stage of compulsory schooling, known as secondary education, takes place. ... Curriculum has many different conceptions. ... Curriculum has many different conceptions. ...


A government-approved secondary school history textbook published in 2004 by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, the government-owned publishing company, defined ketuanan Melayu as: Secondary school is a term used to describe an institution where the final stage of compulsory schooling, known as secondary education, takes place. ... History studies time in human terms. ... Three textbooks. ... Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka or DBP is a government body that responsible to coordinate the use malay language in Malaysia and Brunei. ...

Semangat cinta akan apa saja yang berkaitan dengan bangsa Melayu seperti hak politik, bahasa, kebudayaan, warisan, adat istiadat dan tanah air. Semenanjung Tanah Melayu dianggap sebagai tanah pusaka orang Melayu.[173]

Its English translation is as follows: The English language is a West Germanic language that originates in England. ...

A passion for all that is related to the Malay race, such as political rights, language, culture, tradition and the homeland. The Malay peninsula is regarded as the Malays' traditional land.

In 2003, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) political party Youth Information Chief Azimi Daim stated: "In Malaysia, everybody knows that Malays are the masters of this land. We rule this country as provided for in the federal constitution. Any one who touches upon Malay affairs or criticizes Malays is [offending] our sensitivities."[174] The Malay Peninsula (Malay: Semenanjung Tanah Melayu) is a major peninsula located in Southeast Asia. ... Sang Saka Bangsa The United Malays National Organisation, or UMNO, (Malay: Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu), is the right-Wing and the largest political party in Malaysia and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has ruled the country uninterruptedly since its independence. ... “Political Parties” redirects here. ... Azimi Daim is a Malaysian politician and senior leader of the UMNO. He is a major advocate of Ketuanan Melayu. ...


Although its proponents claimed that ketuanan Melayu was directly derived from Article 153 of the Constitution, the Reid Commission which drafted the framework for the Constitution had stated that the provisions for Malay privileges were to be temporary in nature, and eventually abolished, citing the only reason for their existence as tradition and economic necessity as a form of affirmative action for the Malays. Despite this, those who challenge ketuanan Melayu or "Malay rights" were still often berated, especially by politicians from UMNO.[175] Many UMNO politicians continued referring to non-Malays as "orang pendatang" or "pendatang asing" (foreign immigrants). The Reid Commission was an independent commission responsible for drafting the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya prior to Malayan independence from Britain on 31 August 1957. ... Affirmative action refers to policies intended to promote access to education or employment aimed at a historically socio-politically non-dominant group (typically, minorities or women). ... Pendatang asing or orang pendatang is a common Malay phrase used to refer to foreigners or immigrants. ...


Meritocracy

Before leaving office, Mahathir had condemned Malays who relied on their privileges. Abdullah continued this, warning Malays to learn to live without crutches or end up in wheelchairs.[176] His administration began the practice of meritocracy, which Mahathir had tentatively proposed, and university admissions quotas were eliminated. However, some charged that this did not eliminate discrimination in education. The pre-university stream was divided into two; one course prepared students for the Sijil Tinggi Persekolahan Malaysia (STPM) standardised examination, lasting two years, while the other comprised various matriculation courses graded by individual lecturers, typically lasting a year. This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... The Sijil Tinggi Persekolahan Malaysia (STPM) or Malaysia Higher School Certificate is a test usually taken by students at the end of Form 6. ... The matriculation ceremony at Oxford Matriculation, in the broadest sense, means to be registered or added to a list, from the Latin matrix. ...


Critics dismissed meritocracy as a sham, arguing that it was unfair to consider the two streams equivalent for admissions purposes. Though ostensibly open to non-Bumiputra, critics alleged that most who took matriculation were Malays.[177][178]


Previously, the constitutionality of Malay- or Bumiputra-only matriculation courses had been questioned, as the amended Article 153 prohibited refusal of admission to students on grounds of race alone.[153] As a result, matriculation courses were opened to non-Bumiputra. However, some in UMNO considered meritocracy too harsh on rural Malay students, disadvantaging them compared to their urban counterparts, and called for the restoration of quotas to avoid an "uneven playing field".[179]


At the 2004 UMNO General Assembly, Deputy Permanent Chairman Badruddin Amiruldin waved a book on the May 13 Incident, warning: "Fifty-eight years ago we had an agreement with the other races, in which we permitted them to menumpang [reside temporarily] on this land. ... Let no one from the other races ever question the rights of Malays on this land. Don't question the religion, because this is my right on this land." Then Higher Education Minister Shafie Salleh also declared at the assembly that non-Bumiputras would never be permitted to enter the Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM), which is Bumiputra-only: "I will not compromise on this matter."[174][180] Badruddin bin Amiruldin is a Member of Parliament in Malaysia who has had police reports filed against him for uttering racial slurs. ... Shafie Salleh is a Malaysian politician and former education minister of Malaysia. ... Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) commitment is to produce a significant number of Bumiputera (ethnic Malay) professionals, so all the students are Bumiputeras, although the faculty includes other races. ...


Then at the following year's General Assembly, Education Minister and UMNO Youth head Hishammuddin Hussein — the son of Tun Hussein Onn — brandished the keris while calling for the restoration of the NEP as part of the National Development Policy (NDP) that Mahathir had initiated. According to Hishammuddin, the keris symbolised the role of UMNO Youth in championing the Malay race. Meanwhile, his deputy, Khairy Jamaluddin — Abdullah Badawi's son-in-law — discussed the revival of the NEP in the form of a separate entity titled as the New National Agenda (NNA).[181] Hishammuddin would later describe the keris as a "unifying symbol", stating that "The young people today no longer see it as a symbol to uphold ketuanan Melayu."[182] Dato Seri Hishammuddin Bin Tun Hussein is a Malaysian politician and member of United Malays National Organization (UMNO). ... Tun Hussein Onn (1922-1990) was the third Prime Minister of Malaysia, ruling from 1976 to 1981. ... A keris or spelled as kris in English is a symbolic weapon that is mainly used in Southeast Asian countries. ... BN Deputy Youth Chief Khairy Jamaluddin on nomination day of the 2007 Ijok by-elections. ... Son in Law is a 1993 film starring Pauly Shore, Carla Gugino, Lane Smith, Cindy Pickett and Tiffani Thiessen. ... The New National Agenda is a set of policies and objectives devised by the ruling UMNO of Malaysia as a fresh means to continue the Malaysian New Economic Policy under prime minister Abdullah Badawi. ...


"Racial politics"

Chinese politicians within the government raised issues with the Constitution in late 2005. Lim Keng Yaik of Gerakan asked for a re-examination of the social contract in order to ascertain whether Bangsa Malaysia could be achieved.[183] Lim was severely criticised by many prominent Malay politicians, including Khairy Jamaluddin and Ahmad Shabery Cheek. The Malay press, mostly owned by UMNO, also ran articles condemning the questioning of the social contract.[184] Lim responded: "How do you expect non-Malays to pour their hearts and souls into the country, and to one day die for it if you keep harping on this? Flag-waving and singing the 'Negaraku' [national anthem] are rituals, while true love for the nation lies in the heart."[183] Yang Berbahagia Dato Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik (Chinese : 林敬益) is the National President of Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia since 1980. ... The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the countrys founding fathers in the Constitution. ... The Bangsa Malaysia policy was introduced by Mahathir Mohamad, then Prime Minister of Malaysia to create an inclusive national identity for all inhabitants of Malaysia, thus abandoning the National Culture Policy that asserted a Malay ethnic national identity. ... BN Deputy Youth Chief Khairy Jamaluddin on nomination day of the 2007 Ijok by-elections. ... Ahmad Shabery Cheek is a Malaysian politician and Member of Parliament for the seat of Kemaman in Terengganu. ... It has been suggested that Terang Bulan be merged into this article or section. ...


A year earlier, Abdullah had mentioned the most "significant aspect" of the social contract as "the agreement by the indigenous peoples to grant citizenship to the immigrant Chinese and Indians". Although Abdullah went on to state that the character of the nation changed to "one that Chinese and Indian citizens could also call their own,"[185] the speech went largely unremarked. Finally, Lim stated that the Malay press had blown his comments out of proportion and misquoted him. The issue ended with UMNO Youth chief Hishammuddin Hussein warning people not to "bring up the issue again as it has been agreed upon, appreciated, understood and endorsed by the Constitution."[186]


In January 2006, the government announced a Rukunegara awareness campaign. The government press agency, BERNAMA, quoted the Tunku as saying in 1986 that "The Malays are not only the natives but also the lords of this country and nobody can dispute this fact". The articles of the Constitution touching on the official religion of Islam, the monarchy, the status of Malay as the national language, and Malay special rights were described as "clearly spell[ing] out the acknowledgment and recognition that the Malays are the indigenous 'pribumi' [natives] of this land." It was then stated that the new emphasis on the Rukunegara was to prevent further questioning of the social contract, which "decides on the political polarity and socio-economic standing of Malaysians".[187] Rukunegara or sometimes Rukun Negara is a philosophy - de facto Malaysian pledge of allegiance - introduced by the Malaysian government 1970 in reaction to a serious race riot known as the May 13 Incident which occurred in 1969. ... BERNAMA or Malaysian National News Agency is an authorized body set up by an Act of Parliment in 1967 and started work in May 1968. ... For people named Islam, see Islam (name). ...


Later, a survey of Malaysians found that 55% of respondents agreed politicians should be "blamed for segregating the people by playing racial politics". Mukhriz Mahathir — Mahathir's son and an UMNO Youth leader — defended UMNO's actions because of economic disparities, insisting that "As long as that remains, there will always be people to champion each race to equalise things." Shahrir Abdul Samad, the chairman of the BN Backbenchers' Club, argued that politicians were simply responding to "a country ... divided into different races," asking, "if you talk about Malay issues to the Malay community, is that playing racial politics?" M. Kayveas, the President of the PPP, disagreed: "Every 12 months, the parties go back to one race championing their own causes and, at the end of the day, when the general election comes, we talk about 'Bangsa Malaysia'."[188] Mukhriz Mahathir is the son of former Prime Minister of Malaysia Mahathir Mohamad. ... Malay titles|Yang Berhormat Dato]] Shahrir Abdul Samad (born 22 November 1949) is a member of Parliament in Malaysia, and the former chairman of the Barisan Nasional Backbenchers Club (BNBBC). ... Datuk Dr M. Kayveas is a prominent Malaysian politician and president of the Peoples Progressive Party (Malaysia). ...


Reflecting the mutual climate of distrust and racialist policies in both Singapore and Malaysia (in Singapore, the policies being pro-Chinese),[189] Lee Kuan Yew sparked another debate in September on the role of Malay primacy in Malaysian politics, stating that the Chinese had been "systematically marginalised" in both Malaysia and Indonesia. The resulting diplomatic incident, with ensuing denials of marginalisation from Malaysian government politicians, led to Lee issuing an apology for his remarks which also attempted to justify them. Abdullah indicated he was not satisfied with what he referred to as a "qualified apology", but the Malaysian government accepted it nevertheless.[190][191][192] This is a Chinese name; the family name is 李 (Li) Lee Kuan Yew, GCMG, CH (Chinese: ; Pinyin: ; born September 16, 1923; also spelled Lee Kwan-Yew), was the first Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore from 1959 to 1990. ...


The following month, a controversy arose after the Asian Strategic and Leadership Institute (ASLI) issued a report calculating Bumiputra-held equity at 45% — a stark difference from the official figure of 18.9%, used by politicians to justify the retention or revival of the NEP. One local analyst suggested that "If Bumiputra equity is 45 per cent, then surely the next question is, why the need for Bumiputera rights? It has implications for government policy and it (removing indigenous rights) is one thing UMNO will never accept at present." The report's methodology was criticised for using market value instead of par value for its calculations of equity, and limiting its scope to a thousand publicly listed companies. It also included government-linked companies (GLCs) as Bumiputra-owned companies.[193] Some, however, criticised the government, alleging that par value did not accurately reflect the value of the enterprises studied, and claimed that a portion of GLC equity should be considered Bumiputra-held.[194] The report was later withdrawn, but the controversy continued after an independent media outlet cited a study following the government methodology that indicated Bumiputra equity had passed the 30% mark in 1997.[195] Market capitalization, often abbreviated to market cap, mkt. ... Par value has several meanings depending on the context, whether used in the equities market, or in the bond markets, and partially also dependent on where in the world the par value term is used. ...


At the Johor UMNO convention that same month, Johor Menteri Besar (Chief Minister), Abdul Ghani Othman, criticised the Bangsa Malaysia and "meritocracy" policies. Ghani described Bangsa Malaysia as a threat to the Malays and their Constitutional position, suggesting it could "threaten national stability" as well. Ghani insisted that the policy "be applied in the context ... with the Malays as the pivotal race", and described meritocracy as a "form of discrimination and oppression" because rural Malay students could not compete with their urban counterparts.[196] In the resulting controversy about his remarks, several federal ministers criticised Ghani, with one saying that Bangsa Malaysia "has nothing to do with one race given a pivotal role over others", and another arguing that "It does not impinge on the rights of Bumiputeras or other communities."[197] Ghani stood by his comments, declaring that the proponents of Bangsa Malaysia were also advocating a "Malaysian Malaysia", as Lee Kuan Yew had, even though "the government has rejected it from the start." Najib, the Deputy Prime Minister, suggested that any effort to define Bangsa Malaysia politically would be fruitless, and as such the debate was unnecessary; he also insisted that "It does not question the special rights of the Malays, our quota or anything of that sort."[198][199] The UMNO Annual General Assembly that year was the first to be televised in full; it became a subject of controversy when delegates such as Hashim Suboh made speeches utilising heavy racial rhetoric; Hishammuddin, who had brandished the kris again, was asked by Hashim when he would "use it". After the assembly, Hishammuddin insisted that the kris was not a symbol of Malay supremacy.[200] YAB Dato Hj Abdul Ghani Bin Othman is the current Dato Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of the state of Johor in Malaysia. ... The sometimes tumultous relationship between the Peoples Action Party and United Malays National Organisation, which were, and still are, the ruling parties respectively of Singapore and Malaysia, has impacted the recent history of both States. ... Datuk Hashim Suboh is a Malaysian politician from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the leading party of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. ...


See also

Malaysia Portal
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:

Image File history File links Portal. ... Image File history File links This is a lossless scalable vector image. ... Wikiquote is a sister project of Wikipedia, using the same MediaWiki software. ... In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the keris (traditional Malay dagger) in defense of ketuanan Melayu, the social contract and Article 153. ... Bumiputra or Bumiputera (Malay, from Sanskrit Bhumiputra; translated literally, it means son of the soil), is an official definition widely used in Malaysia, embracing ethnic Malays as well as other indigenous ethnic groups such as the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak. ... In 2005, UMNO Youth Chief Hishamuddin Hussein brandished the Malay dagger (kris) in support of the Malay Agenda. ... Under the Malaysian New Economic Policy, Bumiputras are given discounts on real estate. ... The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the countrys founding fathers in the Constitution. ... The status of religious freedom in Malaysia is a controversial issue. ... Waytha Moorthy Ponnusamy (born 16 July 1966) is a Malaysian lawyer of Tamil origin who is currently suing the British Government. ...

Notes

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  8. ^ Hirschman, Charles “The Making of Race in Colonial Malaya: Political Economy and Racial Ideology.” Sociological Forum, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Spring, 1986), 330-361.Lee, Edwin. The British as Rulers: Governing Multiracial Singapore, 1867-1914. Singapore: Singapore University Press, National University of Singapore, 1991.Nonini, Donald M. British Colonial Rule and the Resistance of the Malay Peasantry, 1900-1957, New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1992.Rahim, Lily. The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.Hussein Alatas, Syed. The Myth of the Lazy Native: A Study of the Image of the Malays, Filipinos and Javanese From the 16th to 20th Century and Its Function in the Ideology of Colonial Capitalism. London : Frank Cass, 1977), Ch 12. 116-17
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  10. ^ a b Roff, pp. 110–111.
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  28. ^ Ongkili, p. 68.
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  31. ^ Ongkili, pp. 82–84.
  32. ^ Ongkili, p. 84.
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  37. ^ Ongkili, pp. 88–90.
  38. ^ Ongkili, pp. 90–91, 107–111.
  39. ^ Hwang, pp. 25–26.
  40. ^ Hwang, pp. 30–31.
  41. ^ Hwang, pp. 34–35.
  42. ^ Keith, pp. 31–33.
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  50. ^ Hickling, pp. 69, 166, 229.
  51. ^ Hwang, p. 67.
  52. ^ Hickling, p. 179.
  53. ^ Hickling, p. 95.
  54. ^ Sopiee, p. 102.
  55. ^ Sopiee, p. 146.
  56. ^ Keith, p. 21.
  57. ^ Sopiee, p. 144.
  58. ^ Sopiee, p. 150.
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  63. ^ Keith, pp. 115–116.
  64. ^ Sopiee, p. 204.
  65. ^ Sopiee, p. 194.
  66. ^ Keith, p. 118.
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  75. ^ Keith, pp. 179–181.
  76. ^ Lee, p. 620.
  77. ^ Keith, p. 115.
  78. ^ Ongkili, p. 211.
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References

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  • Goh, Cheng Teik (1994). Malaysia: Beyond Communal Politics. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-475-4.
  • Hickling, R.H. (1991). Essays in Malaysian Law. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-385-5.
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  • Hwang, In-Won (2003). Personalized Politics: The Malaysian State under Mahathir. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 981-230-185-2.
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  • Sopiee, Mohamed Noordin (1976). From Malayan Union to Singapore Separation: Political Unification in the Malaysia Region 1945 – 65. Penerbit Universiti Malaya. No ISBN available.
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  • Trinidade, F.A. & Lee, H.P. (eds., 1986). The Constitution of Malaysia: Further Perspectives and Developments. Penerbit Fajar Bakti. ISBN 967-65-0030-5.
  • Von Vorys, Karl (1975). Democracy without Consensus: Communalism and Political Stability in Malaysia. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-07571-9.
  • Ye, Lin-Sheng (2003). The Chinese Dilemma. East West Publishing. ISBN 0-9751646-1-9.

  Results from FactBites:
 
Sesat di Hujung Jalan - Message Board - ezboard.com (381 words)
UMNO yang dilihat oleh hampir keseluruhan bangsa Melayu sebagai wadah penting memperjuangkan kepentingan Melayu melalui Pergerakan Pemudanya telah berjaya mengendurkan ketegangan kaum yang dikhuatiri tercetus akibat dari tuntutan Suqiu itu.
Imej UMNO terangkat kembali pada mata seluruh masyarakat dari pelbagai bangsa yang akur betapa UMNO adalah tunjang Melayu yang terus relevan sebagai wadah memperjuang serta mempertahankan ketuanan Melayu di tanah tumpah darahnya sendiri walaupun terdapat suara sumbang mengatakan ianya dari sehari ke sehari semakin ditolak bangsa sendiri.
Ramai berpendapat kemelut yang melanda umat Melayu akibat dari pertelagahan sesama sendiri hasil perbezaan fahaman politik setidak-tidaknya menyedarkan orang Melayu itu sendiri betapa sebarang keretakan bakal mengundang ancaman dari musuh yang sentiasa menghidu peluang yang terhidang.
ISU KETUANAN MELAYU (892 words)
Adakah kita perlu meng’endorse’kan budaya-budaya yang diperkenalkan oleh Mahathir kononnya beliau perlu melakukannya untuk mempertahankan ketuanan Melayu??
Tanah Melayu tergadai terlepas ke tangan Bukan Bumiputera angkara orang-orang UMNO juga!
Ketuanan Melayu apa yang dimaksudkan oleh Mahathir apabila disebabkan politik, anak-anak Melayu sendiri dicantas?
  More results at FactBites »

 
 

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