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Encyclopedia > Alexis de Tocqueville
Alexis de Tocqueville

Born July 29, 1805(1805-07-29)
Verneuil-sur-Seine, Île-de-France, France
Died April 16, 1859 (aged 53)
Cannes, France
Occupation Political Philosopher
Historian

Alexis-Charles-Henri Clérel de Tocqueville (July 29, 1805April 16, 1859) was a French political thinker and historian best known for his Democracy in America (appearing in two volumes: 1835 and 1840) and The Old Regime and the Revolution (1856). In both of these works, he explored the effects of the rising equality of social conditions on the individual and the state in western societies. There are communes that have the name Tocqueville in France: Tocqueville, in the Eure département Tocqueville, in the Manche département Related Tocqueville-en-Caux, in the Seine-Maritime département Tocqueville-les-Murs, in the Seine-Maritime département Tocqueville-sur-Eu, in the Seine-Maritime département... Image File history File links No higher resolution available. ... is the 210th day of the year (211th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... 1805 was a common year starting on Tuesday (see link for calendar). ... ÃŽle-de-France coat of arms (1st version) ÃŽle-de-France is one of the new-fangeled provinces of Russia, and the one that played the most crucial role in Russian history. ... is the 106th day of the year (107th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Year 1859 (MDCCCLIX) was a common year starting on Saturday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar (or a common year starting on Thursday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ... Cannes - receding storm Cannes, as seen from a ferry speeding towards lÃŽle Saint-Honorat Cannes (pronounced ) (Provençal Occitan: Canas in classical norm or Cano in Mistralian norm) is a city and commune in southern France, located on the Riviera, in the Alpes-Maritimes département and the r... This article is about work. ... is the 210th day of the year (211th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... 1805 was a common year starting on Tuesday (see link for calendar). ... is the 106th day of the year (107th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. ... Year 1859 (MDCCCLIX) was a common year starting on Saturday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar (or a common year starting on Thursday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ... The Politics series Politics Portal This box:      Political philosophy is the study of fundamental questions about the state, government, politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law and the enforcement of a legal code by authority: what they are, why (or even if) they are needed, what makes a government legitimate, what... This article is about the occupation of studying history. ... De la démocratie en Amérique (published in two volumes, the first in 1835 and the second in 1840) is a classic French text by Alexis de Tocqueville on the United States in the 1830s and its strengths and weaknesses. ... | Come and take it, slogan of the Texas Revolution 1835 was a common year starting on Thursday (see link for calendar). ... 1840 is a leap year starting on Wednesday (link will take you to calendar). ... LAncien Régime et la Révolution (1856) is a work by the French historian Alexis de Tocqueville translated in English as either The Old Regime and the Revolution or The Old Regime and the French Revolution. ... 1856 was a leap year starting on Tuesday (see link for calendar). ...


Democracy in America (1835), his major work, published after his travels in the United States, is today considered an early work of sociology. An eminent representative of the liberal political tradition, Tocqueville was an active participant in French politics, first under the July Monarchy (1830–1848) and then during the Second Republic (1849–1851) which succeeded to the February 1848 Revolution. He retired from political life after Louis Napoléon Bonaparte's December 2, 1851 coup, and thereafter began work on The Old Regime and the Revolution, Volume I of which was completed by the time he died. Sociology (from Latin: socius, companion; and the suffix -ology, the study of, from Greek λόγος, lógos, knowledge [1]) is the systematic and scientific study of society, including patterns of social relationships, social action, and culture[2]. Areas studied in sociology can range from the analysis of brief contacts between anonymous... Liberalism is an ideology, philosophical view, and political tradition which holds that liberty is the primary political value. ... Capital Paris Language(s) French Government Monarchy King of the French  - 1830-1848 Louis-Phillipe Legislature Parliament  - Upper house Chamber of Peers  - Lower house Chamber of Deputies History  - July Revolution 1830  - Revolution of 1848 1848 Currency French Franc The July Monarchy (1830-1848) was a period of liberal monarchy rule... The French Second Republic (often simply Second Republic) was the republican regime of France from February 25, 1848 to December 2, 1852. ... Painting of a barricade on Rue Soufflot (with the Panthéon behind), Paris, June 1848. ... Napoléon VI, Prince Imperial, born as Louis Jerome Victor Emmanuel Leopold Marie Bonaparte and known as Louis Napoléon, (23 January 1914 - 3 May 1997) was claimant to the Imperial throne of France in the Prince Napoléon pretentious line from 1926 until his death. ... The Coup dÉtat of 2 December 1851 was the coup détat staged by Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, President of the French Republic, who was successful by this means in dissolving the French National Assembly without having the constitutional right to do so. ...

Contents

Biography

Tocqueville's family had its origins in the landed nobility of Normandy, where several places are named after his family. After obtaining a law degree, Alexis de Tocqueville was named auditor-magistrate at the court of Versailles. There, he met Gustave de Beaumont, a prosecutor substitute, who collaborated with him on various literary works. Both were sent to the United States to study the penitentiary system. During this trip, they wrote Du système pénitentiaire aux Etats-Unis et de son application (1832). Back in France, Tocqueville became a lawyer, and then published his master-work, De la démocratie en Amérique, in 1835. The success of this work, an early model for the science that would become known as sociology, led him to be named chevalier de la Légion d'honneur (Knight of the Legion of Honour) in 1837, and to be elected the next year to the Académie des sciences morales et politiques. In 1841 he was elected to the Académie française. Landed nobility is a category of nobility in various countries over the history, for which landownership was part of their noble privileges. ... For other uses, see Normandy (disambiguation). ... For other uses, see Law (disambiguation). ... This article is about the city of Versailles. ... M. Gustave de Beaumont (b. ... This article is about the institution. ... Sociology (from Latin: socius, companion; and the suffix -ology, the study of, from Greek λόγος, lógos, knowledge [1]) is the systematic and scientific study of society, including patterns of social relationships, social action, and culture[2]. Areas studied in sociology can range from the analysis of brief contacts between anonymous... Chiang Kai-sheks Légion dhonneur. ... The Académie française In the French educational system an académie LAcadémie française, or the French Academy, is the pre-eminent French learned body on matters pertaining to the French language. ...

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Tocqueville, who despised the July Monarchy (1830–1848), began his political career in the same period. Thus, he became deputy of the Manche department (Valognes), a position which he maintained until 1851. In parliament, he defended abolitionist views and upheld free trade, while supporting the colonization of Algeria carried on by Louis-Philippe's regime. Tocqueville was also elected general counsellor of the Manche in 1842, and became the president of the department's conseil général between 1849 and 1851. Liberalism is an ideology, philosophical view, and political tradition which holds that liberty is the primary political value. ... For other uses, see Politics (disambiguation). ... Liberalism is an ideology, philosophical view, and political tradition which holds that liberty is the primary political value. ... Contributions to liberal theory is a partial list of individual contributions on a worldwide scale. ... Classical liberalism (also known as traditional liberalism[1] and laissez-faire liberalism[2]) is a doctrine stressing the importance of human rationality, individual property rights, natural rights, the protection of civil liberties, constitutional limitations of government, free markets, and individual freedom from restraint as exemplified in the writings of Adam... This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... Cultural liberalism is a form of liberalism which stresses the freedom of the individual from what Lord Acton called the tyrany of the majority, the right of the non-conformist to march to a different drummer. ... This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... For other uses, see Libertarianism (disambiguation). ... For the school of international relations, see Neoliberalism in international relations. ... This article is about political philosophy of Ordoliberalism. ... 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First used by the eighteenth century Physiocrats as an injunction against government interference with trade, it is now used as a synonym for strict free market economics. ... Liberal democracy is a form of government. ... Liberal neutrality is the idea that the liberal state should not promote any particular conception of the good. This idea formed a cornerstone of John Rawls work and has been developed by many other liberal thinkers e. ... The philosophical concept of negative liberty refers to an individuals liberty from being subjected to the authority of others. ... Positive liberty is an idea that was first expressed and analyzed as a separate conception of liberty by John Stuart Mill but most notably described by Isaiah Berlin. ... For other uses, see Liberty (disambiguation). ... 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The Africa Liberal Network is composed of 16 parties in Africa, from 14 different countries, and is an associated organisation of Liberal International, the political family to which Liberal Democratic parties belong. ... The Liberal Network for Latin America (Red Liberal de América Latina, RELIAL) is an international network founded in 2003 with the official launch taking place in Costa Rica November 2004. ... Capital Paris Language(s) French Government Monarchy King of the French  - 1830-1848 Louis-Phillipe Legislature Parliament  - Upper house Chamber of Peers  - Lower house Chamber of Deputies History  - July Revolution 1830  - Revolution of 1848 1848 Currency French Franc The July Monarchy (1830-1848) was a period of liberal monarchy rule... Manche is a French département in Normandy named after La Manche (the sleeve), which is the French name of the English Channel. ... Valognes is a town in Normandy, northwestern France, in the Manche département. ... This article is about the abolition of slavery. ... Free trade is an economic concept referring to the selling of products between countries without tariffs or other trade barriers. ... French rule in Algeria lasted from 1830 to 1962, under a variety of governmental systems. ... Louis-Philippe of France (6 October 1773 – 26 August 1850) was King of the French from 1830 to 1848 in what was known as the July Monarchy. ...


Apart from Canada, Tocqueville also made an observational tour of England, producing Memoir on Pauperism. In 1841 and 1846, he traveled to Algeria. His first travel inspired his Travail sur l'Algérie, in which he criticized the French model of colonization, based on an assimilationist view, preferring instead the British model of indirect rule, which did not mix different populations together. He went as far as openly advocating racial segregation between the European colonists and the "Arabs" through the implementation of two different legislative systems (a half century before its effective implementation with the 1881 Indigenous code). 1841 is a common year starting on Friday (link will take you to calendar). ... 1846 was a common year starting on Thursday (see link for calendar). ... It has been suggested that Benign colonialism be merged into this article or section. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ... Indirect rule is a type of European colonial policy as practiced in large parts of British India (see Princely states) and elsewhere in the British Empire (including Malaya), in which the traditional local power structure, or at least part of it, is incorporated into the colonial administrative structure. ... The Rex Theatre for Colored People Manifestations Slavery Racial profiling Lynching Hate speech Hate crime Genocide (examples) Ethnocide Ethnic cleansing Pogrom Race war Religious persecution Gay bashing Blood libel Paternalism Police brutality Movements Policies Discriminatory Race / Religion / Sex segregation Apartheid Redlining Internment Anti-discriminatory Emancipation Civil rights Desegregation Integration Equal... It has been suggested that Benign colonialism be merged into this article or section. ... Languages Arabic other minority languages Religions Predominantly Sunni Islam, as well as Shia Islam, Greek Orthodoxy, Greek Catholicism, Roman Catholicism, Alawite Islam, Druzism, Ibadi Islam, and Judaism Footnotes a Mainly in Antakya. ...


After the fall of the July Monarchy during the February 1848 Revolution, Tocqueville was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1848, where he became a member of the Commission charged with the drafting of the new Constitution of the Second Republic (1848–1851). He defended bicameralism (two parliamentary chambers) and the election of the President of the Republic by universal suffrage. As the countryside was thought to be more conservative than the laboring population of Paris, universal suffrage was conceived as a means to block the revolutionary spirit of Paris. Painting of a barricade on Rue Soufflot (with the Panthéon behind), Paris, June 1848. ... This article or section is not written in the formal tone expected of an encyclopedia article. ... Image:WashingtonDC Capitol USA2. ... Elections Part of the Politics series Politics Portal This box:      Universal suffrage (also general suffrage or common suffrage) consists of the extension of the right to vote to all adults, without distinction as to race, sex, belief, intelligence, or economic or social status. ...


During the Second Republic, Tocqueville sided with the parti de l'Ordre against the "socialists" and workers. A few days after the February insurrection, he believed a violent clash between the workers' population agitating in favor of a "Democratic and Social Republic" and the conservatives, including the aristocracy and rural population, to be inescapable. As Tocqueville had foreseen, these social tensions eventually exploded during the June Days Uprising of 1848. Led by General Cavaignac, the repression was supported by Tocqueville, who advocated in favour of the "regularization" of the state of siege declared by Cavaignac and others measures leading to the suspension of the constitutional order.[1] The June Days Uprising (French: les journées de Juin) refers to the workers revolt on June 21, 1848, after the closure of the National Workshops created by the Second Republic to give work to the unemployed. ... French general and statesman Louis Eugène Cavaignac Louis Eugène Cavaignac (October 15, 1802 - October 28, 1857), French general, second son of Jean Baptiste Cavaignac and brother of Eleonore Louis Godefroi Cavaignac, was born at Paris. ... State of Siege (French title: État de Siège) is a 1972 French film directed by Costa Gavras and starred by Yves Montand and Renato Salvatori. ...


A supporter of Cavaignac and of the parti de l'Ordre, Tocqueville, however, accepted an invitation to enter Odilon Barrot's government as Minister of Foreign Affairs from June to October 1849. There, during the troubled days of June 1849, he pleaded with Jules Dufaure, Interior Minister, for the reestablishment of the state of siege in the capital and approved the arrest of demonstrators. Tocqueville, who since February 1848 had supported laws restricting political freedoms, approved the two laws voted immediately after the June 1849 days, which restricted the liberty of clubs and freedom of the press. This active support in favor of laws restricting political freedoms stands in contrast of his defense of freedoms in Democracy in America. French politician Odilon Barrot Camille Hyacinthe Odilon Barrot (September 19, 1791 - August 6, 1873), was a French politician. ... The honour entrance to the Ministry building on the Quai dOrsay The Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the Government of France, is the cabinet member responsible for the Republics network of relationships with foreign nations. ... Jules Armand Dufaure, French statesman Jules Armand Stanislas Dufaure (December 4, 1798 - June 28, 1881) was a French statesman. ... Freedom of the Press (or Press Freedom) is the guarantee by a government of free public press for its citizens and their associations, extended to members of news gathering organizations, and their published reporting. ...


Tocqueville then supported Cavaignac against Louis Napoléon Bonaparte for the presidential election of 1851. Opposed to Louis Napoléon's December 2, 1851 coup which followed his election, Tocqueville was among the deputies who gathered at the Xe arrondissement of Paris in an attempt to resist the coup and have Napoleon III judged for "high treason". Detained at Vincennes and then released, Tocqueville, who supported the Restoration of the Bourbons against Bonaparte's Second Empire (1851–1871), quit political life and retreated to his castle (château de Tocqueville). There, he began the draft of L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution, publishing the first tome in 1856, but leaving the second one unfinished. Napoléon VI, Prince Imperial, born as Louis Jerome Victor Emmanuel Leopold Marie Bonaparte and known as Louis Napoléon, (23 January 1914 - 3 May 1997) was claimant to the Imperial throne of France in the Prince Napoléon pretentious line from 1926 until his death. ... The Coup dÉtat of 2 December 1851 was the coup détat staged by Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, President of the French Republic, who was successful by this means in dissolving the French National Assembly without having the constitutional right to do so. ... The 10th arrondissement (Xe arrondissement), located on the Right Bank, is one of the 20 arrondissements of Paris, France. ... This article is about the city in France. ... Capital Paris Language(s) French Government Monarchy King of France and Navarre  - 1814-1824 Louis XVIII  - 1824-1830 Charles X  - 1830 Louis XIX  - 1830 Henri V Legislature Parliament History  - Louis XVIII restored 6 April, 1814  - July Revolution 21 January, 1830 Currency French Franc Following the ousting of Napoleon I of... This article or section should include material from France: Wars of Religion _ Bourbon Dynasty The House of Bourbon dates from at least the beginning of the 13th century, when the estate of Bourbon was ruled by a Lord, vassal of France. ... Map of the French Second Empire Capital Paris Language(s) French Government Monarchy Emperor  - 1852-1870 Napoleon III Legislature Parliament  - Upper house Senate  - Lower house Corps législatif History  - French coup of 1851 December 2 1851  - Established 1852  - Disestablished September 4, 1870 Currency French Franc The Second French Empire or...


Democracy in America

Alexis de Tocqueville
Alexis de Tocqueville

In Democracy in America, published in 1835, Tocqueville wrote of the New World and its burgeoning democratic order. Observing from the perspective of a detached social scientist, Tocqueville wrote of his travels through America in the early 19th century when the market revolution, Western expansion, and Jacksonian democracy were radically transforming the fabric of American life. He saw democracy as an equation that balanced liberty and equality, concern for the individual as well as the community. A critic of individualism, Tocqueville thought that association, the coming together of people for common purpose, would bind Americans to an idea of nation larger than selfish desires, thus making a civil society which wasn't exclusively dependent on the state. Alexis De Tocqueville, Photogravure from a steel engraving, from 1899 edition of Democracy In America This image has been released into the public domain by the copyright holder, its copyright has expired, or it is ineligible for copyright. ... De la démocratie en Amérique (published in two volumes, the first in 1835 and the second in 1840) is a classic French text by Alexis de Tocqueville on the United States in the 1830s and its strengths and weaknesses. ... Frontispiece of Peter Martyr dAnghieras De orbe novo (On the New World). Carte dAmérique, Guillaume Delisle, 1722. ... Jacksonian democracy refers to the political philosophy of United States President Andrew Jackson and his followers in the new Democratic Party. ... For other uses, see Liberty (disambiguation). ... Egalitarianism (derived from the French word égal, meaning equal or level) is a political doctrine that holds that all people should be treated as equals from birth. ... Individualism is a term used to describe a moral, political, or social outlook that stresses human independence and the importance of individual self-reliance and liberty. ... A voluntary association (also sometimes called an unincorporated association, or just an association) is a group of individuals who voluntarily enter into an agreement to form a body (or organization) to accomplish a purpose. ... The Politics series Politics Portal This box:      Civil society is composed of the totality of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions that form the basis of a functioning society as opposed to the force-backed structures of a state (regardless of that states political system) and commercial institutions. ... For other uses, see State (disambiguation). ...


Tocqueville's penetrating analysis sought to understand the peculiar nature of American civic life. In describing America, he agreed with thinkers such as Aristotle, James Harrington and Montesquieu that the balance of property determined the balance of political power, but his conclusions after that differed radically from those of his predecessors. Tocqueville tried to understand why America was so different from Europe in the last throes of aristocracy. America, in contrast to the aristocratic ethic, was a society where money-making was the dominant ethic, where the common man enjoyed a level of dignity which was unprecedented, where commoners never deferred to elites, where hard work and money dominated the minds of all, and where what he described as crass individualism and market capitalism had taken root to an extraordinary degree. For other uses, see Aristotle (disambiguation). ... Portrait of James Harrington, oil on canvas, c. ... “Montesquieu” redirects here. ... For other uses, see Europe (disambiguation). ... Forms of government Part of the Politics series Politics Portal This box:      The term aristocracy refers to a form of government where power is held by a small number of individuals from an elite or from noble families. ... For other uses, see Money (disambiguation). ... For other uses, see Capitalism (disambiguation). ...


The uniquely American morals and opinions, Tocqueville argued, lay in the origins of American society and derived from the peculiar social conditions that had welcomed colonists in prior centuries. Unlike Europe, venturers to America found a vast expanse of open land. Any and all who arrived could own their own land and cultivate an independent life. Sparse elites and a number of landed aristocrats existed, but, according to Tocqueville, these few stood no chance against the rapidly developing values bred by such vast land ownership. With such an open society, layered with so much opportunity, men of all sorts began working their way up in the world: industriousness became a dominant ethic, and "middling" values began taking root.


This equality of social conditions bred political and social values which determined the type of legislation passed in the colonies and later the states. By the late 18th century, democratic values which championed money-making, hard work, and individualism had eradicated, in the North, most remaining vestiges of old world aristocracy and values. Eliminating them in the South proved more difficult, for slavery had produced a landed aristocracy and web of patronage and dependence similar to the old world, which would last until the antebellum period before the Civil War. Antebellum is a Latin word meaning before the war. In United States history and historiography Antebellum is sometimes used instead of the term pre_Civil War, especially in the South. ... Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America (Confederacy) Commanders Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee Strength 2,200,000 1,064,000 Casualties 110,000 killed in action, 360,000 total dead, 275,200 wounded 93,000 killed in action, 258,000 total...


Tocqueville asserted that the values that had triumphed in the North and were present in the South had begun to suffocate old-world ethics and social arrangements. Legislatures abolished primogeniture and entails, resulting in more widely distributed land holdings. Landed elites lost the ability to pass on fortunes to single individuals. Hereditary fortunes became exceedingly difficult to secure and more people were forced to struggle for their own living. Primogeniture is the common law right of the first born son to inherit the entire estate, to the exclusion of younger siblings. ... This article includes a list of works cited or a list of external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks in-text citations. ...


This rapidly democratizing society, as Tocqueville understood it, had a population devoted to "middling" values which wanted to amass, through hard work, vast fortunes. Such an ethos explained, in Tocqueville's mind, why America was so different from Europe. In Europe, he claimed, nobody cared about making money. The lower classes had no hope of gaining more than minimal wealth, while the upper classes found it crass, vulgar, and unbecoming of their sort to care about something as unseemly as money; many were virtually guaranteed wealth and took it for granted. These cultural differences, identified so remarkably by Tocqueville, have led many subsequent scholars to explain that in 19th-century Europe, workers offended by the sight of elites parading along the streets wearing fancy attire could demand class warfare and revolution, but in America, at the same time, workers would see people fashioned in exquisite attire and merely proclaim that through hard work they too would soon possess the fortune necessary to enjoy such luxuries. Class conflict is both the friction that accompanies social relationships between members or groups of different social classes and the underlying tensions or antagonisms which exist in society. ... For other uses, see Revolution (disambiguation). ...


These unique American values, many have suggested, explain American exceptionalism and shed light upon many mysterious phenomena such as why America has never embraced socialism as dramatically as other leading Western countries. To Tocqueville, America was set apart by its peculiar democratic mores. But, despite maintaining, with Aristotle, More, Harrington, Montesquieu, and others that the balance of property determined the balance of power, Tocqueville argued that, as America showed, equitable property holdings did not ensure the rule of the best men. In fact, it did quite the opposite. The widespread, relatively equitable property ownership which distinguished America and determined its mores and values also explained why the American masses held elites in such contempt. Progress of America, 1875, by Domenico Tojetti American exceptionalism (cf. ... Socialism refers to a broad array of doctrines or political movements that envisage a socio-economic system in which property and the distribution of wealth are subject to control by the community[1] for the purposes of increasing social and economic equality and cooperation. ...


More than just imploding any traces of old-world aristocracy, ordinary Americans also refused to defer to those possessing, as Tocqueville put it, superior talent and intelligence. These natural elites, who Tocqueville asserted were the lone virtuous members of American society, could not enjoy much share in the political sphere as a result. Ordinary Americans enjoyed too much power, claimed too great a voice in the public sphere, to defer to intellectual superiors. This culture promoted a relatively pronounced equality, Tocqueville argued, but the same mores and opinions that ensured such equality also promoted, as he put it, a middling mediocrity.


Those who possessed true virtue and talent would be left with limited choices, choices which many have suggested shed light on American society today. Those with the most education and intelligence would either, Tocqueville prognosticated, join limited intellectual circles to explore the weighty and complex problems facing society which have today become the academic or contemplative realms, or use their superior talents to take advantage of America's growing obsession with money-making and amass vast fortunes in the private sector. Uniquely positioned at a crossroads in American history, Tocqueville's Democracy in America attempted to capture the essence of American culture and values.


However, as a supporter of colonialism, Tocqueville also endorsed the common racialist views of his epoch. Tocqueville notes that among the races that exist in America: It has been suggested that Benign colonialism be merged into this article or section. ... This article or section does not adequately cite its references or sources. ...

The first who attracts the eye, the first in enlightenment, in power and in happiness, is the white man, the European, man par excellence; below him appear the Negro and the Indian. These two unfortunate races have neither birth, nor face, nor language, nor mores in common; only their misfortunes look alike. Both occupy an equally inferior position in the country that they inhabit; both experience the effects of tyranny; and if their miseries are different, they can accuse the same author for them.[2]

Tocqueville concluded that removal of the Negro population from America could not resolve the problem as he writes at the end of the first Democracy:

If the colony of Liberia were able to receive thousands of new inhabitants every year, and if the Negroes were in a state to be sent thither with advantage; if the Union were to supply the society with annual subsidies, and to transport the Negroes to Africa in government vessels, it would still be unable to counterpoise the natural increase of population among the blacks; and as it could not remove as many men in a year as are born upon its territory within that time, it could not prevent the growth of the evil which is daily increasing in the states. The Negro race will never leave those shores of the American continent to which it was brought by the passions and the vices of Europeans; and it will not disappear from the New World as long as it continues to exist. The inhabitants of the United States may retard the calamities which they apprehend, but they cannot now destroy their efficient cause.

In 1855 he wrote the following text published by Maria Weston Chapman in the Liberty Bell: Testimony against Slavery

I do not think it is for me, a foreigner, to indicate to the United States the time, the measures, or the men by whom Slavery shall be abolished.
Still, as the persevering enemy of despotism everywhere, and under all its forms, I am pained and astonished by the fact that the freest people in the world is, at the present time, almost the only one among civilized and Christian nations which yet maintains personal servitude; and this while serfdom itself is about disappearing, where it has not already disappeared, from the most degraded nations of Europe.
An old and sincere friend of America, I am uneasy at seeing Slavery retard her progress, tarnish her glory, furnish arms to her detractors, compromise the future career of the Union which is the guaranty of her safety and greatness, and point out beforehand to her, to all her enemies, the spot where they are to strike. As a man, too, I am moved at the spectacle of man's degradation by man, and I hope to see the day when the law will grant equal civil liberty to all the inhabitants of the same empire, as God accords the freedom of the will, without distinction, to the dwellers upon earth.[3]

Segregation however would be the second best solution to race relations if blacks were not removed or wiped out by a race war. According to him assimilation of blacks would be almost impossible and this was already being demonstrated in the Northern states. As Tocqueville predicted, formal freedom and equality and segregation would become this population's reality after the Civil War and during Reconstruction — as would the bumpy road to true integration of African-Americans. American political scientist Rogers Smith views Tocqueville as one source of white supremacist thought in America. Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America (Confederacy) Commanders Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee Strength 2,200,000 1,064,000 Casualties 110,000 killed in action, 360,000 total dead, 275,200 wounded 93,000 killed in action, 258,000 total... For other uses, see Reconstruction (disambiguation). ... Rogers Smith (1953-Present), is the Christopher H. Browne Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. ...


Assimilation, however, was the best solution for Native Americans. But since they were too proud to assimilate, they would inevitably become extinct. Displacement was another part of America's Indian policy. Both populations were "undemocratic", or without the qualities, intellectual and otherwise, needed to live in a democracy. Tocqueville shared many views on assimilation and segregation of his and the coming epochs, but he opposed Gobineau's scientific racism theories which the latter had espoused in his essay on The Inequality of Human Races (1853–1855).[4] Forced migration refers to the coerced movement of a person or persons away from their home or home region. ... Indian Removal was a nineteenth century policy of the government of the United States that sought to relocate Native American tribes living east of the Mississippi River to lands west of the river. ... Arthur de Gobineau. ... Scientific racism is a term that describes either obsolete scientific theories of the 19th century or historical and contemporary racist propaganda disguised as scientific research. ... An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races by Joseph Arthur Comte de Gobineau is an early and significant work defining the concept of Scientific racism and White supremacy. ...


The 1841 discourse on the Conquest of Algeria

French historian of colonialism Olivier LeCour Grandmaison has underlined how Tocqueville (as well as Michelet) used the term "extermination" to describe what was happening during the colonization of Western United States and the Indian Removal period.[5] Tocqueville thus expressed himself, in 1841, concerning the conquest of Algeria: Image File history File links Broom_icon. ... It has been suggested that Benign colonialism be merged into this article or section. ... Olivier LeCour Grandmaison (September 19, 1960, Paris) is a French historian. ... Jules Michelet (August 21, 1798 - February 9, 1874) was a French historian. ... Extermination is the act of killing with the intention of eradicating demographics within a population. ... Regional definitions vary from source to source. ... Indian Removal was a nineteenth century policy of the government of the United States that sought to relocate Native American tribes living east of the Mississippi River to lands west of the river. ... French rule in Algeria lasted from 1830 to 1962, under a variety of governmental systems. ...

As far as I am concerned, I came back from Africa with the pathetic notion that at present in our way of waging war we are far more barbaric than the Arabs themselves. These days, they represent civilization, we do not. This way of waging war seems to me as stupid as it is cruel. It can only be found in the head of a coarse and brutal soldier. Indeed, it was pointless to replace the Turks only to reproduce what the world rightly found so hateful in them. This, even for the sake of interest is more noxious than useful; for, as another officer was telling me, if our sole aim is to equal the Turks, in fact we shall be in a far lower position than theirs: barbarians for barbarians, the Turks will always outdo us because they are Muslim barbarians. In France, I have often heard men I respect but do not approve of, deplore that crops should be burnt and granaries emptied and finally that unarmed men, women and children should be seized. In my view these are unfortunate circumstances that any people wishing to wage war against the Arabs must accept. I think that all the means available to wreck tribes must be used, barring those that the human kind and the right of nations condemn. I personally believe that the laws of war enable us to ravage the country and that we must do so either by destroying the crops at harvest time or any time by making fast forays also known as raids the aim of which it to get hold of men or flocks.[6][7]

Whatever the case, continued Tocqueville, we may say in a general manner that all political freedoms must be suspended in Algeria.[8]

According to historian Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, "de Tocqueville thought the conquest of Algeria was important for two reasons: first, his understanding of the international situation and France’s position in the world, and, second, changes in French society."[9] Tocqueville believed that war and colonization would "restore national pride, threatened," he believed, by "the gradual softening of social mores" in the middle classes. Their taste for "material pleasures" was spreading to the whole of society, giving it "an example of weakness and egotism"." Applauding the methods of General Bugeaud, Tocqueville went as far as saying that "war in Africa" had became a science: "war in Africa is a science. Everyone is familiar with its rules and everyone can apply those rules with almost complete certainty of success. One of the greatest services that Field Marshal Bugeaud has rendered his country is to have spread, perfected and made everyone aware of this new science."[10] This article does not cite any references or sources. ... For other uses, see State of emergency (disambiguation). ... Olivier LeCour Grandmaison (September 19, 1960, Paris) is a French historian. ... Thomas Robert Bugeaud de la Piconnerie, Duke of Isly (October 15, 1784 - June 10, 1849), was a marshal of France. ...


Tocqueville advocated racial segregation in Algeria: "There should therefore be two quite distinct legislations in Africa, for there are two very separate communities. There is absolutely nothing to prevent us treating Europeans as if they were on their own, as the rules established for them will only ever apply to them."[11] Such legislation would be enacted with the Crémieux decrees and the 1881 Indigenous Code, which gave French citizenship to the European Jewish settlers only, while Muslim Algerians were confined to a second-grade citizenship. The Rex Theatre for Colored People Manifestations Slavery Racial profiling Lynching Hate speech Hate crime Genocide (examples) Ethnocide Ethnic cleansing Pogrom Race war Religious persecution Gay bashing Blood libel Paternalism Police brutality Movements Policies Discriminatory Race / Religion / Sex segregation Apartheid Redlining Internment Anti-discriminatory Emancipation Civil rights Desegregation Integration Equal... Isaac Moïse Crémieux [known as Adolphe] (1796 - February 10, 1880), French statesman, was born at Nîmes, of a rich Jewish family. ... It has been suggested that this article or section be merged into French nationality law. ...


Tocqueville's opposition to the invasion of Kabylia

On the other hand, Jean-Louis Benoît has claimed, against Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, that, given the extent of racial prejudices during the colonization of Algeria, Tocqueville was one of its "most moderate supporters." Benoît claims that it is totally unthinkable to suppose that Tocqueville was a staunch supporter of Bugeaud, despite his 1841 apologetic discourse. It seems that Tocqueville changed viewpoint in particular after his second travel to Algeria in 1846. Hereafter, he criticized Bugeaud's will to invade Kabylia, home of the Berbers, specifically in a 1847 speech to the Assembly. Tocqueville, who did advocate racial segregation between Europeans and Arabs, judged otherwise the Berbers. In an August 22, 1837 proposal, cited by Jean-Louis Benoît, Tocqueville thus distinguished the Berbers from the Arabs. He considered that these last ones should have a self-government (a bit on the model of British indirect rule, thus going against the French assimiliationist stance). Image File history File links No higher resolution available. ... This article focuses on the geographical area of Kabylie and its people. ... Berbers are the indigenous peoples of North Africa west of the Nile Valley. ... The Rex Theatre for Colored People Manifestations Slavery Racial profiling Lynching Hate speech Hate crime Genocide (examples) Ethnocide Ethnic cleansing Pogrom Race war Religious persecution Gay bashing Blood libel Paternalism Police brutality Movements Policies Discriminatory Race / Religion / Sex segregation Apartheid Redlining Internment Anti-discriminatory Emancipation Civil rights Desegregation Integration Equal... For other uses, see Arab (disambiguation). ... Indirect rule is a type of European colonial policy as practiced in large parts of British India (see Princely states) and elsewhere in the British Empire (including Malaya), in which the traditional local power structure, or at least part of it, is incorporated into the colonial administrative structure. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ...


Tocqueville's views on the matter were complex, and have evolved during time. Even though in his 1841 report on Algeria Tocqueville admitted that Bugeaud succeeded in implementing a technique of war that enabled him to defeat Abd al-Qadir's resistance and applauded him on one hand, he opposed on the other hand the conquest of Kabylia in his first Letter about Algeria (1837). In this document, he advocated that France and the French military leave Kabylia apart to preserve a peaceful zone so as to try and develop commercial links. In all his subsequent speeches and writings he kept on being against any attempt towards intrusion into Kabylia. This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... The Military of France has a very long history, greatly influential in World history, of serving its country. ...


During the debate concerning the 1846 extraordinary funds, Tocqueville denounced Bugeaud's conduct of military operations, and succeeded in convincing the Assembly of not voting the funds in support of Bugeaud's military columns:

“Thus, I fully acknowledge the great military qualities of Marshal Bugeaud; this being said, I may be given the liberty to add that Marshal Bugeaud achieved nothing, nothing at all, he did a lot of harm (…). Therefore he did not achieve anything, and often he prevented action.”[12]

Tocqueville considered Bugeaud's will to invade Kabylia, despite the opposition of the Assembly, as a seditious move in front of which the government opted for cowardice: "the party of resignation... Marshal Bugeaud has not been disowned, he has just not been recalled".[13] His speech ended on these words:

“ When I hear that Marshal Bugeaud handed in his resignation and that it was turned down, I cannot help assuming that maintaining Marshal Bugeaud in Africa is less for the good he could do in the name of France, than the harm he might be expected to do here in Paris”.[14]

Report on Algeria (1847)

In his 1847 Report on Algeria, Tocqueville declared: "Let's not repeat, in the middle of the 19th century, the history of the conquest of America. Let's not imitate those bloody examples that the human kind's opinion has seared".[15] More particularly he reminds his countrymen of a solemn caution whereby he warns them that if the methods used towards the Algerian people remain unchanged, colonization will end in a blood bath. The 1847 caution went unheeded and the heralded tragedy did happen. In 1847, Tocqueville includes in his report on Algeria the following premonitory caution: Territories in the Americas colonized or claimed by a European great power in 1750. ...

“The committee is convinced that the future of our sway over Africa, of the enrolment of our soldiers and the fate of our finances will depend on how we treat the natives; for, in this respect, the questions of humanity and budget bear on each other and mingle. The committee believes that, in the long run, a sound government can bring about the effective establishment of peace in the country and a significant reduction in the number of our soldiers.
However should things be different, and they sometimes happened but were never told, should we act so as to show that we consider the former inhabitants of Algeria but as an obstacle to be discarded or trod upon, should we embrace their populations not to raise them towards well-being and light but to stifle them, then the question of life and death between the two races would be posed. Sooner or later, believe me, Algeria would become an enclosed field, a walled-in arena, where the two peoples would fight without mercy and where one of them must die. Gentlemen, may God save us from such a destiny!"

References

  1. ^ "Regularization" is a term used by Tocqueville himself, see Souvenirs, Third part, p.289–290 French ed (Paris, Gallimard, 1999).
  2. ^ Beginning of chapter 18 of Democracy in America, "The Present and Probably Future Condition of the Three Races that Inhabit the Territory of the United States".
  3. ^ in Oeuvres completes, Gallimard, T. VII, pp. 1663-164.
  4. ^ See Correspondence avec Arthur de Gobineau, quoted by Jean-Louis Benoît
  5. ^ (French) Olivier LeCour Grandmaison. "Le négationnisme colonial", Le Monde, February 2, 2005. 
  6. ^ 1841 — Extract of Travail sur l’Algérie, in Œuvres complètes, Gallimard, Pléïade, 1991, p. 704 & 705.
  7. ^ (English) Olivier LeCour Grandmaison. "Torture in Algeria: Past Acts That Haunt France — Liberty, Equality and Colony", Le Monde diplomatique, June 2001.  (quoting Alexis de Tocqueville, Travail sur l’Algérie in Œuvres complètes, Paris, Gallimard, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 1991, pp 704 and 705).
  8. ^ (French) Olivier LeCour Grandmaison (2001). Tocqueville et la conquête de l'Algérie. La Mazarine.
  9. ^ (English) Olivier LeCour Grandmaison. "Torture in Algeria: Past Acts That Haunt France — Liberty, Equality and Colony", Le Monde diplomatique, June 2001. 
  10. ^ Alexis de Tocqueville, "Rapports sur l’Algérie", in Œuvres complètes, Paris, Gallimard, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 1991,p 806 (quoted in (English) Olivier LeCour Grandmaison. "Torture in Algeria: Past Acts That Haunt France — Liberty, Equality and Colony", Le Monde diplomatique, June 2001. >
  11. ^ Travail sur l'Algérie, op.cit. p. 752 (quoted in (English) Olivier LeCour Grandmaison. "Torture in Algeria: Past Acts That Haunt France — Liberty, Equality and Colony", Le Monde diplomatique, June 2001. )
  12. ^ Tocqueville, Oeuvres completes, III, 1, Gallimard, 1962, pp.299–300).
  13. ^ Tocqueville, Oeuvres completes, III, 1, Gallimard, 1962, pp. 303.
  14. ^ Tocqueville, Œuvres complètes, III, 1, Gallimard, 1962, pp. 299–306.
  15. ^ Arguments in favor of Tocqueville, Jean-Louis Benoît (French)

Éditions Gallimard is the second most important French publisher, and probably the most respected. ... De la démocratie en Amérique (published in two volumes, the first in 1835 and the second in 1840) is a classic French text by Alexis de Tocqueville on the United States in the 1830s and its strengths and weaknesses. ... Olivier LeCour Grandmaison (September 19, 1960, Paris) is a French historian. ... For the song by the Thievery Corporation, see Le Monde (song). ... This monthly magazine is not to be mistaken for the daily Le Monde. Le Monde diplomatique (nicknamed Le Diplo by its French readers) is a monthly publication offering analysis and opinion on politics, culture, and current affairs. ... Cover of the edition of the works of C.F. Ramuz in Bibliothèque de la Pléiade The Bibliothèque de la Pléiade is a prestigious French collection of books which has been created in the thirties by Gallimard under the impulsion of André Gide. ... This monthly magazine is not to be mistaken for the daily Le Monde. Le Monde diplomatique (nicknamed Le Diplo by its French readers) is a monthly publication offering analysis and opinion on politics, culture, and current affairs. ... The Pléiade was a group of 16th-century French poets whose principal members were Pierre de Ronsard, Joachim du Bellay and Jean-Antoine de Baïf. ... This monthly magazine is not to be mistaken for the daily Le Monde. Le Monde diplomatique (nicknamed Le Diplo by its French readers) is a monthly publication offering analysis and opinion on politics, culture, and current affairs. ... This monthly magazine is not to be mistaken for the daily Le Monde. Le Monde diplomatique (nicknamed Le Diplo by its French readers) is a monthly publication offering analysis and opinion on politics, culture, and current affairs. ...

Recommended Readings

  • Drescher, Seymour. Dilemmas of Democracy: Tocqueville and Modernization. University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968.
  • Lively, Jack. The Social and Political Thought of Alexis De Toqueville. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.

Further reading

  • Allen Barbara : Tocqueville, Covenant, and the Democratic Revolution: Harmonizing Earth with Heaven. — Lexington : Lexington Books, 2005.
  • Audier Serge: Tocqueville retrouvé : Genèse et enjeux du renouveau tocquevillien. — Paris : Librairie Philosophique Vrin, 2004.
  • Benoît Jean-Louis : Tocqueville : un destin paradoxal. — Paris : Bayard, 2005.
  • Benoît Jean-Louis : Tocqueville moraliste, Honoré Champion, Paris 2004.
  • Benoît Jean-Louis : Comprendre Tocqueville, Armand Colin/Cursus, Paris 2004.
  • Benoît Jean-Louis et Keslassy Eric : Alexis de Tocqueville Textes économiques Anthologie critique, Pocket/Agora, Paris 2005.[1]
  • Boesche Roger Tocqueville's Road Map: Methodology, Liberalism, Revolution, And Despotism, 2006)
  • Boudon Raymond: Tocqueville aujourd’hui. — Paris : Odile Jacob, 2005.
  • Brogan Hugh: Alexis De Tocqueville, Profile Books, 2006.
  • Drescher Seymour : Tocqueville and England , Harward University Press, 1964.
  • Drescher Seymour : Dilemmas of Democracy : Tocqueville and Modernization, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1964.
  • Epstein Joseph : Alexis De Tocqueville: Democracy's Guide, 2006.
  • Gannett Robert T.: Tocqueville Unveiled: The Historian and His Sources for the Old Regime and the Revolution, The University of Chicago Press, 2003.
  • Guellec Laurence : Tocqueville et les langages de la démocratie. — Honoré Champion, 2004.
  • Guellec Laurence : Tocqueville : l'apprentissage de la liberté. Michalon, 1996.
  • Kahan Alan : Aristocratic Liberalism : The Social and Political Thought of Jacob Burckhardt, Johns Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville, Oxford University Press, 1992.
  • Keslassy Eric: Le libéralisme de Tocqueville a l'épreuve du paupérisme. — Paris : L'Harmattan, 2000.
  • Manent Pierre : Tocqueville et la nature de la démocratie. — Fayard, 1993. — 181 p. — ISBN 2-213-03036-7, Tel-Gallimard, 2006
  • Mélonio Françoise : Tocqueville et les Français. — Paris : Aubier Montaigne, 1993.
  • Mélonio Françoise : Tocqueville and the French, University of Virginia Press, 1998.
  • Mitchell Harvey : Individual Choice and the Structures of History — Alexis de Tocqueville as an historian reappraised, Londres : Cambridge University Press, 1996.
  • Pierson George : Tocqueville and Beaumont in America, — Oxford University Press, New-York, 1938, réédition, 1996.
  • Pitts Jennifer : A Turn to Empire, Princeton University Press, 2005.
  • Richter Melvin and Baehr Peter : Dictatorship in History and Theory: Bonapartism, Caesarism, and Totalitarianism, Publications of the German Institute, Cambridge University Press, 2004.
  • Schleifer, James : The Making of Tocqueville's Democracy in America, — Chapell Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1980.
  • Shiner Larry : The Secret Mirror: Literary Form and History in Tocqueville’s Recollections, Ithaca & Londres, Cornell University Press, 1988.
  • Welch Cheryl : De Tocqueville, Oxford University Press, 2001.
  • Welch Cheryl : The Cambridge Companion to Tocqueville, Cambridge University Press, 2006.
  • Wolin Sheldon : Tocqueville between two Worlds, Princeton University Press, 2001.

Works

  • Du système pénitentaire aux États-Unis et de son application en France (1833)—On the Penitentiary System in the United States and Its Application to France, with Gustave de Beaumont.
  • De la démocratie en Amerique (1835/1840)—Democracy in America. It was published in two volumes, the first in 1835, the second in 1840. English language versions: Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. and eds., Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, University of Chicago Press, 2000; Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Arthur Goldhammer, trans.; Olivier Zunz, ed.) (The Library of America, 2004) ISBN 978-1-93108254-9.
  • L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution (1856)—The Old Regime and the Revolution. It is Tocqueville's second most-famous work.
  • Recollections (1893)—This work was a private journal of the Revolution of 1848. He never intended to publish this during his lifetime; it was published by his wife and his friend Gustave de Beaumont after his death.
  • Journey to America (18311832)—Alexis de Tocqueville's travel diary of his visit to America; translated into English by George Lawrence, edited by J. P. Mayer, Yale University Press, 1960; based on vol. V, 1 of the Œuvres Complètes of Tocqueville.

Year 1833 (MDCCCXXXIII) was a common year starting on Tuesday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian Calendar (or a common year starting on Sunday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ... M. Gustave de Beaumont (b. ... | Come and take it, slogan of the Texas Revolution 1835 was a common year starting on Thursday (see link for calendar). ... 1840 is a leap year starting on Wednesday (link will take you to calendar). ... De la démocratie en Amérique (published in two volumes, the first in 1835 and the second in 1840) is a classic French text by Alexis de Tocqueville on the United States in the 1830s and its strengths and weaknesses. ... De la démocratie en Amérique (published in two volumes, the first in 1835 and the second in 1840) is a classic French text by Alexis de Tocqueville on the United States in the 1830s and its strengths and weaknesses. ... 1856 was a leap year starting on Tuesday (see link for calendar). ... LAncien Régime et la Révolution (1856) is a work by the French historian Alexis de Tocqueville translated in English as either The Old Regime and the Revolution or The Old Regime and the French Revolution. ... Year 1893 (MDCCCXCIII) was a common year starting on Sunday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar (or a common year starting on Tuesday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ... Leopold I 1831 (MDCCCXXXI) was a common year starting on Saturday (see link for calendar). ... Year 1832 (MDCCCXXXII) was a leap year starting on Sunday (link will display the full calendar) of the Gregorian Calendar (or a leap year starting on Friday of the 12-day slower Julian calendar). ... Year 1960 (MCMLX) was a leap year starting on Friday (link will display full calendar) of the Gregorian calendar. ...

See also

The Alexis de Tocqueville Institution (not institute; abbreviated AdTI) is a Washington, D.C.-based commercial think-tank and consultancy that produces reports at the behest of its sponsors. ... The Politics series Politics Portal This box:      Civil society is composed of the totality of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions that form the basis of a functioning society as opposed to the force-backed structures of a state (regardless of that states political system) and commercial institutions. ... Liberalism is an ideology, philosophical view, and political tradition which holds that liberty is the primary political value. ... Contributions to liberal theory is a partial list of individual contributions on a worldwide scale. ... The historiography of the French Revolution stretches back two hundred years to the event itself. ... M. Gustave de Beaumont (b. ... Please wikify (format) this article or section as suggested in the Guide to layout and the Manual of Style. ... Look up tyranny in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ... Soft despotism is a term coined by Alexis de Tocqueville describing the state into which a country overrun by self-interest might degrade. ...

External links

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Preceded by
Jean-Gérard Lacuée de Cessac
Seat 18
Académie française

1841–1859
Succeeded by
Henri Lacordaire
Persondata
NAME Tocqueville, Alexis de
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Tocqueville, Alexis-Charles-Henri Clérel de; de Tocqueville, Alexis; de Tocqueville, Alexis-Charles-Henri Clérel
SHORT DESCRIPTION French political philosopher, historian
DATE OF BIRTH July 29, 1805
PLACE OF BIRTH Verneuil-sur-Seine, Île-de-France, France
DATE OF DEATH April 16, 1859
PLACE OF DEATH Cannes, France

  Results from FactBites:
 
GradeSaver: ClassicNote: Biography of Alexis de Tocqueville (859 words)
Alexis de Tocqueville was born in Paris on July 29, 1805.
Tocqueville's father was a royalist prefect from Normandy who supported the Bourbon monarchy, his great-grandfather was a liberal aristocrat killed in the French Revolution, and his mother was a devout Roman Catholic who strongly advocated a return on the Old Regime.
During this period Tocqueville began to have increasingly liberal sympathies as a result of his belief that the decline of the aristocracy was inevitable.
"Gravel for president" bid announced -- fyi (501 words)
Quotations, books, correspondence from the works of Alexis de Tocqueville.
For links to Tocqueville comemerative stamps and other souveniers, click here.
No information contained here may be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without the prior written authority of the Alexis de Tocqueville Institution.
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