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African American Vernacular English (AAVE) – also called African American English, Black English, Black Vernacular, Black English Vernacular (BEV) and Black Vernacular English (BVE) – is a variety (dialect, ethnolect and sociolect) of English, particularly American English; it is sometimes called Ebonics. Its pronunciation is in some respects common to Southern American English, which is spoken by many African Americans in the United States and by many non-African Americans. There is little regional variation among speakers of AAVE.[1] Several creolists, including William Stewart, John Dillard, and John Rickford argue that AAVE shares so many characteristics with Creole dialects spoken by black people in much of the world that AAVE itself is a creole.[2] It has been suggested that AAVE has grammatical structures in common with West African languages, but this is disputed.[citation needed] Speakers of AAVE are typically bidialectal. As with all linguistic forms, age, status, topic and setting influence its usage. There are many literary uses of this variety of English, particularly in African-American literature. Image File history File links AmericaAfrica. ... An African American (also Afro-American, Black American, or simply black) is a member of an ethnic group in the United States whose ancestors, usually in predominant part, were indigenous to Africa. ... African American history is the portion of American history that specifically discusses the African American or Black American ethnic group in the United States. ... The Atlantic slave trade was the trade of African slaves by Europeans that occurred in and around the Atlantic Ocean. ... The word Maafa (also known as the African Holocaust or Holocaust of Enslavement) is derived from a Kiswahili word meaning disaster, terrible occurrence or great tragedy. ... Slave sale in Easton, Maryland The history of slavery in the United States (1619-1865) began soon after the English colonists first settled in Virginia and lasted until the passage of the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution. ... Military history of African Americans is that of African Americans in the United States since the arrival of the first black slaves in 1619 to the present day. ... This box:      The Jim Crow Laws were state and local laws enacted in the Southern and border states of the United States and enforced between 1876 and 1965. ... For the automotive term, see redline. ... See also: American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968) The civil rights movement in the United States has been a long, primarily nonviolent struggle to bring full civil rights and equality under the law to all Americans. ... Prominent figures of the African-American Civil Rights Movement. ... Reparations for slavery is a movement in the United States, which suggests that the government apologize to slave descendants for their hardships, and bestow on them reparations, whether it be in the form of money, land, or other goods. ... In the United States, African American culture or Black culture includes the various cultural traditions of African American communities. ... African American studies, or Black studies, is an interdisciplinary academic field devoted to the study of the history, culture, and politics of African Americans. ... This article or section is in need of attention from an expert on the subject. ... In the United States, Historically black colleges and universities (HBCU) are colleges or universities that were established before 1964 with the intention of serving the African American community. ... Kwanzaa (or Kwaanza) is a week-long Pan-African festival primarily honoring African-American heritage. ... African American art is a broad term describing the visual arts of the American black community. ... African American dances in the vernacular tradition (academically known as African American vernacular dance) are those dances which have developed within African American communities in everyday spaces, rather than in dance studios, schools or companies. ... The Color Purple by Alice Walker African American literature is the body of literature produced in the United States by writers of African descent. ... This article or section is in need of attention from an expert on the subject. ... This reproduction of a 1900 minstrel show poster, originally published by the Strobridge Litho Co. ... Detail from cover of The Celebrated Negro Melodies, as Sung by the Virginia Minstrels, 1843 The minstrel show, or minstrelsy, was an American entertainment consisting of comic skits, variety acts, dancing, and music, performed by white people in blackface or, especially after the American Civil War, African Americans in blackface. ... This is a list of museums about, or otherwise focused on African Americans. ... The term black church refers to Christian churches that minister to the African American community. ... The Black Buddhist Community in America is historically the first and only organization to propagate Buddhism specifically among persons of black or African descent in the United States. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... The Nation of Islam (NOI) is a religious and social/political organization founded in the United States by Wallace Fard Muhammad in 1930 with the self-proclaimed goal of resurrecting the spiritual, mental, social, and economic condition of the black men and women of America and the rest of the... Black Jew generally refers to people who are both Black and Jewish. ... Black Hebrew Israelites (also Black Hebrews, African Hebrew Israelites, and Hebrew Israelites) are groups of people of African ancestry situated mostly in the United States who claim to be descendants of the ancient Israelites. ... This article or section does not cite any references or sources. ... Voodoo redirects here. ... This does not adequately cite its references or sources. ... For other uses, see Santeria (disambiguation). ... This article or section does not adequately cite its references or sources. ... ‹ The template below is being considered for deletion. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... Black Capitalism is a name for a movement among African Americans to build wealth through the ownership and development of businesses. ... This article does not cite its references or sources. ... The Black Panther Party (originally called the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense) was an African American organization founded to promote civil rights and self-defense. ... Pan-African people are all people with African physical features. ... This article or section does not adequately cite its references or sources. ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP, generally pronounced as EN Double AY SEE PEE) is one of the oldest and most influential civil rights organizations in the United States. ... The Southern Christian Leadership Conference Logo. ... “CORE” redirects here. ... The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (or SNCC, pronounced snick) was one of the principal organizations of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. ... National Urban League Logo The National Urban League (NUL) is a nonpartisan civil rights organization based in New York City that advocates on behalf of African Americans and against racial discrimination in the United States. ... The Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH) is a non-profit organization founded in Chicago, Illinois, in 1915 as The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History by Carter G. Woodson and Jesse E. Moorland. ... United Negro College Fund logo The United Negro College Fund (UNCF) is a Fairfax, Virginia-based American philanthropic organization that fundraises college tuition money for African-American students and general scholarship funds for 39 historically black colleges and universities. ... National Black Chamber of Commerce The National Black Chamber of Commerce, (NBCC), was “incorporated in March of 1993, in Washington D.C.” The organizations mission is “To economically empower and sustain African American communities, through the process of entrepreneurship and capitalistic activity within the United States and via interaction with... The National Pan-Hellenic Council, Inc. ... The Links, Incorporated is an exclusive non-profit organization based upon the ideals of combining friendship and community service and was was founded in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on November 9, 1946, from a group of ladies known as the Philadelphia Club to have focuses on civic, cultural, and educational endeavors[1... Bud Fowler, the first professional black baseball player with one of his teams, Western of Keokuk, Iowa The Negro Leagues were American professional baseball leagues comprising predominantly African-American teams. ... The Central Intercollegiate Athletic Association (CIAA) is a college athletic conference made up of historically black colleges in the southeastern United States. ... logo of Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference The Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (SIAC) is a College athletic conference consisting of historically black colleges located in the southern United States. ... The Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference (MEAC) is a collegiate athletic conference which consists of historically black colleges in the southeastern United States. ... The Southwestern Athletic Conference (SWAC) is a college athletic conference made up of historically black universities in the southern United States. ... The English language is a West Germanic language that originates in England. ... The Gullah language (Sea Island Creole English, Geechee) is a creole language spoken by the Gullah people (also called Geechees), an African American population living on the Sea Islands and the coastal region of the U.S. states of South Carolina and Georgia. ... Louisiana Creole (Créole Louisiane and Kourí-Viní, as it is known in and near St. ... Notable African-American or Black people, other than Black Caribbeans. ... This is a list of landmark legislation, court decisions, executive orders, and proclamations in the United States significantly affecting African Americans. ... This is an alphabetical list of African-American-related topics: Contents: Top - 0–9 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z A African American African American contemporary issues African American culture... An African American (also Afro-American, Black American, or simply black) is a member of an ethnic group in the United States whose ancestors, usually in predominant part, were indigenous to Africa. ... A variety of a language is a form that differs from other forms of the language systematically and coherently. ... A dialect (from the Greek word διάλεκτος, dialektos) is a variety of a language characteristic of a particular group of the languages speakers. ... Ethnolect is a variant of a language spoken by a certain ethnic/cultural subgroup and distinguishing them as a mark of social identity. ... In linguistics, a sociolect is the language spoken by a social group, social class or subculture. ... For other uses, see American English (disambiguation). ... For African American U.S. English that is distinctly non-standard U.S. English, see African American Vernacular English. ... Southern American English as defined by the monophthongization of to before obstruents (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006:126). ... A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable language that originates seemingly as a new language, sometimes with features that are not inherited from any apparent source, without however qualifying in any appreciable way as a mixed language. ...  Western Africa (UN subregion)  Maghreb[1] West Africa or Western Africa is the westernmost region of the African continent. ... Map showing the distribution of African language families and some major African languages. ... African-American literature is literature written by, usually about, and sometimes specifically for African-Americans. ...

Contents

Overview

AAVE shares several characteristics with Creole English dialects spoken by people throughout much of the world. AAVE has pronunciation, grammatical structures, and vocabulary in common with various West African languages.[3]


Many features of AAVE are shared with dialects spoken in the Southern United States. While these are mostly regionalisms (i.e. originating from white speech), a number of them—such as the deletion of is—are used much more frequently by black speakers, suggesting that they have their origins in black speech.[4] The traits of AAVE that separate it from Standard American English (SAE) include: Standard English is a nebulous term generally used to denote a form of the English language that is thought to be normative for educated users. ...

  • changes in pronunciation along definable patterns, many of which are found in creoles and dialects of other populations of West African descent (but which also emerge in English dialects uninfluenced by West African languages, such as Newfoundland English);
  • distinctive vocabulary; and
  • the use of tenses.

Early AAVE contributed a number of words of African origin to Standard American English, including "gumbo",[5] "goober",[6] "yam", and "banjo". AAVE has contributed slang expressions such as cool, hip, hep cat and bling. This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... Slang is the use of highly informal words and expressions that are not considered standard in the speakers dialect or language. ...


Grammatical features

Phonology

The near uniformity of AAVE pronunciation, despite vast geographic area, may be due in part to relatively recent migrations of African Americans out of the south as well as to long-term racial segregation.[citation needed] Phonological features that set AAVE apart from forms of "Standard English" (such as General American) include: Standard English is a nebulous term generally used to denote a form of the English language that is thought to be normative for educated users. ... Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ...

  • Word-final devoicing of /b/, /d/, and /g/, whereby for example cub sounds like cup.[7]
  • Reduction of certain diphthong forms to monophthongs, in particular, /aɪ/ is monophthongized to [aː] (this is also a feature of many Southern American English dialects). The vowel of boil (/ɔɪ/ in Standard English) is also monophthongized, especially before /l/, making it indistinguishable from bawl[8]
  • AAVE speakers may not use the dental fricatives [θ] (the th in thin) and [ð] (the th of then) that are present in SE. The actual alternative phone used depends on the sound's position in a word.[9]
    • Word-initially, /θ/ is normally as in SE (so "thin" is [θɪn]).
    • Word-initially, /ð/ is [d] (so "this" is [dɪs]).
    • Word-medially and -finally, /θ/ is realized as either [f] or [t] (so [mʌmf] or [mʌnt] for "month"); /ð/ as either [v] or [d] (so [smuːv] for "smooth").
  • Realization of final ng /ŋ/, the velar nasal, as the alveolar nasal [n] in function morphemes and content morphemes with two syllables like -ing, e.g. "tripping" is pronounced as "trippin." This change does not occur in one-syllable content morphemes such as sing, which is [sɪŋ] and not *[sɪn]. However, singing is [sɪŋɪn]. Other examples include wedding[wɛɾɪn], morning[mɔɹnɪn], nothing[ˈnʌfɪn]. Realization of /ŋ/ as [n] in these contexts is commonly found in many other English dialects.[10]
  • A marked feature of AAVE is final consonant cluster reduction. There are several phenomena that are similar but are governed by different grammatical rules.
    • Homorganic final consonant clusters (that is, word-final clusters of consonants that have the same place of articulation) that share the same laryngeal settings are reduced. E.g. test is pronounced [tɛs] since /t/ and /s/ are both voiceless; hand is pronounced [hæn], since /n/ and /d/ are both voiced; but pant is unchanged, as it contains both a voiced and a voiceless consonant in the cluster.[11] Note also that it is the plosive (/t/ and /d/) in these examples that is lost rather than the fricative or nasal. Speakers may carry this declustered pronunciation when pluralizing so that the plural of test is [tɛsəs] rather than [tɛsts].[12] The clusters /ft/, /md/, are also affected.[13]
    • More often, word-final /sp/, /st/, and /sk/ are reduced, again with the final element being deleted rather than the former.[14]
    • Clusters ending in /s/ or /z/ exhibit variation in whether the first or second element is deleted.[15]
  • Similarly, final consonants may be deleted (although there is a great deal of variation between speakers in this regard). Most often, /t/ and /d/ are deleted. As with other dialects of English, final /t/ and /k/ may reduce to a glottal stop. Nasal consonants may be lost while nasalization of the vowel is retained (e.g, find may be pronounced [fãː]). More rarely, /s/ and /z/ may also be deleted.[16]
  • Use of metathesised forms like "aks" for "ask"[17] or "graps" for "grasp." Both these examples existed in Anglo-Saxon and more recent varieties of English, and may be survivals of non-standard forms.[citation needed]
  • AAVE is non-rhotic, so the rhotic consonant /r/ is usually dropped if not followed by a vowel. Intervocalic /r/ may also be dropped, e.g. SE story ([stɔri]) can be pronounced [stɔ.i]. /r/ may also be deleted between a consonant and a back rounded vowel, especially in words like throw, throat, and through.[18]
  • /l/ is often deleted in patterns similar to that of /r/ and, in combination with cluster simplification (see above), can make homophones of toll and toe, fault and fought, and tool and too. Homonomy may be reduced by vowel lengthening and by an off-glide [ɤ][19].
  • Before nasal consonants (/m/, /n/, and /ŋ/), /ɛ/ and /ɪ/ are both pronounced as [ɪ], making pen and pin homophones.[20]
  • The distinction between /ɪ/ and /iː/ before liquid consonants is frequently reduced, making feel and fill homophones. Before /r/ specifically, /uː/ and /oʊ/ also merge.[21]
  • Dropping of word initial /d/, /b/, and /g/ in tense-aspect markers, e.g., the pronunciation of don't like own.
  • Lowering of /ɪ/ to /ɛ/ or /æ/ before /ŋ/ causing pronunciations such as [θɛŋ] or [θæŋ] for thing.

In phonetics, a diphthong (also gliding vowel) (Greek δίφθογγος, diphthongos, literally with two sounds, or with two tones) is a monosyllabic vowel combination involving a quick but smooth movement from one vowel to another, often interpreted by listeners as a single vowel sound or phoneme. ... A monophthong (in Greek μονόφθογγος = single note) is a pure vowel sound, one whose articulation at both beginning and end is relatively fixed, and which does not glide up or down towards a new position of articulation; compare diphthong. ... Southern American English as defined by the monophthongization of to before obstruents (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006:126). ... Dentals are consonants such as t, d, n, and l articulated with either the lower or the upper teeth, or both, rather than with the gum ridge as in English. ... Fricatives (or spirants) are consonants produced by forcing air through a narrow channel made by placing two articulators close together. ... The velar nasal is a type of consonantal sound, used in some spoken languages. ... The alveolar nasal is a type of consonantal sound used in some spoken languages. ... Function words are words that have little lexical meaning or have ambiguous meaning, but instead serve to express grammatical relationships with other words within a sentence, or specify the attitude or mood of the speaker. ... In morpheme-based morphology, a morpheme is the smallest lingual unit that carries a semantic interpretation. ... Function words are words that have little lexical meaning or have ambiguous meaning, but instead serve to express grammatical relationships with other words within a sentence, or specify the attitude or mood of the speaker. ... Places of articulation (passive & active): 1. ... Phoneticians define phonation as use of the laryngeal system to generate an audible source of acoustic energy, i. ... This article does not cite any references or sources. ... The introduction to this article provides insufficient context for those unfamiliar with the subject matter. ... Old English (also called Anglo-Penis[1], Englisc by its speakers) is an early form of the English language that was spoken in parts of what is now England and southern Scotland between the mid-fifth century and the mid-twelfth century. ... This is a list of varieties of the English language. ... English pronunciation is divided into two main accent groups, the rhotic and non-rhotic, depending on when the phoneme (the letter r) is pronounced. ... Rhotic consonants, or R-like sounds, are non-lateral liquid consonants. ... This article is about the term in linguistics. ... Liquid consonants, or liquids, are approximant consonants that are not classified as semivowels (glides) because they do not correspond phonetically to specific vowels (in the way that, for example, the initial in English yes corresponds to ). The class of liquids can be divided into lateral liquids and rhotics. ...

Aspect marking

The most distinguishing feature of AAVE is the use of forms of be to mark aspect in verb phrases. The use or lack of a form of be can indicate whether the performance of the verb is of a habitual nature. In SAE, this can be expressed only using adverbs such as usually.[22] It is disputed whether the use of the verb "to be" to indicate a habitual status or action in AAVE has its roots in various West African languages. In linguistics, the grammatical aspect of a verb defines the temporal flow (or lack thereof) in the described event or state. ...

Example Name SE Meaning / Notes
He workin'. Simple progressive He is working [right now].
He be workin'. Habitual/continuative aspect He works frequently or habitually. Better illustrated with "He be workin' Tuesdays."
He stay workin'. Intensified continuative He is always working.
He been workin'. Perfect progressive He has been working.
He been had that job. Remote phase (see below) He has had that job for a long time and still has it.
He done worked. Emphasized perfective He has worked. Syntactically, "He worked" is valid, but "done" is used to emphasize the completed nature of the action.[23]
He finna go to work. Immediate future He's about to go to work. Finna is a contraction of "fixing to"; though is also believed to show residual influence of late 16th century archaism "would fain (to)", that persisted until later in some rural dialects spoken in the Carolinas (near the Gullah region). "Fittin' to" is commonly thought to be another form of the original "fixin' (fixing) to", and it is also heard as fitna, fidna, fixna, and finsta.[24]
I was walkin' home, and I had worked all day. Preterite narration. "Had" is used to begin a preterite narration. Usually it occurs in the first clause of the narration, and nowhere else.

Standard English is a nebulous term generally used to denote a form of the English language that is thought to be normative for educated users. ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... The preterite (also praeterite, in American English also preterit, or past historic) is the grammatical tense expressing actions which took place in the past. ...

Remote Phase Marker

The aspect marked by stressed 'been' has been given many names, including Perfect Phase, Remote Past, Remote Phase[25] This article uses the third. Been here is stressed; in order to distinguish it from unstressed been (used as in standard English), linguists often write it as BIN. Thus the distinction between She BIN running ("She has been running for a long time") and She been running ("She has been running").[26]


With non-stative verbs, the role of been is simple: it places the action in the distant past, or represents total completion of the action. A Standard English equivalent is to add "a long time ago". For example, She been told me that translates as, "She told me that a long time ago". A stative verb is one which asserts that one of its arguments has a particular property (possibly in relation to its other arguments). ...


However, when been is used with stative verbs or gerund forms, been shows that the action began in the distant past and that it is continuing now. Linguist John R. Rickford (1999) suggests that a better translation when used with stative verbs is "for a long time". For instance, in response to "I like your new dress", one might hear Oh, I been had this dress, meaning that the speaker has had the dress for a long time and that it isn't new.[27] In linguistics, a gerund is a non-finite verb form that exists in many languages. ... John Russell Rickford is the Martin Luther King, Jr. ...


To see the difference between the simple past and the gerund when used with been, consider the utterances:

I been bought her clothes means "I bought her clothes a long time ago".
I been buyin' her clothes means "I've been buying her clothes for a long time".

Negation

In addition, negatives are formed differently from standard American English:[28]

  • Use of ain't as a general negative indicator. It can be used where Standard English would use am not, isn't, aren't, haven't and "hasn't", a trait which is not specific to AAVE. However, in marked contrast to other varieties of English in the U.S., some speakers of AAVE also use ain't in lieu of don't, doesn't, or didn't (e.g., I ain't know that).[29]
  • Negative concord, popularly called "double negation", as in I didn't go nowhere; if the sentence is negative, all negatable forms are negated. This contrasts with Standard English, where a double negative is considered a positive (although this wasn't always so; see double negative). There is also "triple" or "multiple negation", as in the phrase I don't know nothing about no one no more, which would be "I don't know anything about anybody anymore" in Standard English.
  • In a negative construction, an indefinite pronoun such as nobody or nothing can be inverted with the negative verb particle for emphasis (eg. Don't nobody know the answer, Ain't nothin' goin' on.)

While these are features that AAVE has in common with Creole languages,[30] Howe and Walker use data from early recordings of African Nova Scotian English, Samaná English, and Ex-Slave recordings to demonstrate that negation was inherited from nonstandard colonial English.[31] Look up aint in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. ... A double negative occurs when two forms of negation are used in the same sentence. ...


Other grammatical characteristics

Some of these characteristics, notably double negatives and the use of been for "has been", are also characteristic of general colloquial American English.


The linguist William Labov carried out and published the first thorough grammatical study of African American Vernacular English in 1965. Listen to this article · (info) This audio file was created from an article revision dated 2006-02-04, and does not reflect subsequent edits to the article. ...

  • The copula BE[32] is often dropped, as in Russian, Hungarian, Hebrew, Arabic and other languages. For example: You crazy! ("You're crazy") or She my sister ("She's my sister"). On the other hand, stressed IS cannot be dropped: She IS my sister ("She IS my sister"). The phenomenon is also observed in questions: Who you? ("Who're you?") and Where you at? ("Where're you at?").

The general rules are
For other uses, see Copula (disambiguation). ... Zero copula is a linguistic phenomenon whereby the presence of the copula is implied, rather than stated explicitly as a verb or suffix. ... “Hebrew” redirects here. ... Arabic redirects here. ...

    • Only the forms IS and ARE (which in any case is often replaced by IS) can be omitted
    • These forms cannot be omitted when they are pronounced with a stress (whether or not the stress serves specifically to impart an emphatic sense to the verb's meaning).
    • These forms cannot be omitted when the corresponding form in Standard English cannot show contraction (and vice-versa). For example, I don't know where he is cannot be reduced to *I don't know where he because in Standard English the corresponding reduction *I don't know where he's is likewise impossible.
    • Possibly some other minor conditions apply as well.[33]
  • Present-tense verbs are uninflected for number/person: there is no -s ending in the present-tense third-person singular. Example: She write poetry ("She writes poetry"). Similarly, was is used for what in standard English are contexts for both was and were.[34]
  • The genitive "-s" ending may or may not be used.[35] Genitive case is inferrable from adjacency. This is similar to many creoles throughout the Caribbean. Many language forms throughout the world use an unmarked possessive; it may, here, result from a simplification of grammatical structures and tendency to eschew particle usage. Example: my momma sister ("my momma's sister")
  • The word it or is denotes the existence of something, equivalent to Standard English there in "there is", or "there are". This usage is also found in the English of the US South. Examples Is a doughnut in the cabinet ("There's a doughnut in the cabinet") and It ain't no spoon ("There isn't a spoon", also "They ain't no spoon").
  • Altered syntax in questions: In Why they ain't growing? ("Why aren't they growing?") and Who the hell she think she is? ("Who the hell does she think she is?") lack the inversion of standard English. Because of this, there is also no need for the auxiliary DO.[36]
  • Use of say to introduce quotations, actual or otherwise. For example, "I thought, say, 'Why don't he just go with her?'" (I thought, 'Why doesn't he just go with her?'") Say is also used to introduce sounds where a SAE speaker might use go: He say, boom! ("It went, boom!").[citation needed]

Southern American English as defined by the monophthongization of to before obstruents (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006:126). ...

Lexical features

For the most part, AAVE uses the lexicon of SAE, particularly informal and southern dialects. There are some notable differences, however. It has been suggested that some of this vocabulary has its origin in West African languages, but etymology is often difficult to trace and without a trail of recorded usage the suggestions below cannot be considered proven, and in many cases are not recognised by linguists or the OED.[37] OED stands for Oxford English Dictionary Office of Enrollment & Discipline This page concerning a three-letter acronym or abbreviation is a disambiguation page — a navigational aid which lists other pages that might otherwise share the same title. ...

AAVE also has words that either are not part of Standard American English, or have strikingly different meanings from their common usage in SAE. For example, there are several words in AAVE referring to white people which are not part of mainstream SAE; these include the use of gray as an adjective for whites (as in "gray dude"), possibly from the color of Confederate uniforms, possibly an extension of the slang use for "Irish",[42] "Ofay," which is pejorative, is another general term for a white; it might derive from the Ibibio word afia, which means "light-colored," and may have referred to European traders[citation needed]; or from the Yoruba word ofe, spoken in hopes of disappearing from danger such as that posed by European traders. However, most dictionaries simply refer to this word as having an unknown etymology.[43] Kitchen refers to the particularly curly or kinky hair at the nape of the neck, and siditty or seddity means snobbish or bourgeois.[44] "The Man" and "Miss Ann" are words used generally to refer to the white authority and white women, respectively.[citation needed] Wolof is a language spoken in Senegal, the Gambia, and Mauritania, and it is the native language of the ethnic group of the Wolof people. ... // In linguistics, a calque (pronounced ) or loan translation is a word or phrase borrowed from another language by literal, word-for-word (Latin: verbum pro verbo) or root-for-root translation. ... The Mandinka language, sometimes referred to as Mandingo, is a Mandé language spoken by some 1. ... Motto Deo Vindice (Latin: Under God, Our Vindicator) Anthem (none official) God Save the South (unofficial) The Bonnie Blue Flag (unofficial) Dixie (unofficial) Capital Montgomery, Alabama (until May 29, 1861) Richmond, Virginia (May 29, 1861–April 2, 1865) Danville, Virginia (from April 3, 1865) Language(s) English (de facto) Religion... Ofay is a racial slur, a slang term for a white person. ... Ibibio is a Cross River language spoken by 1,5 to 2 million Ibibio in the Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. ... Yoruba (native name èdè Yorùbá, the Yoruba language) is a dialect continuum of West Africa with over 22 million speakers. ... Seddity (or saddity or siditty) – is defined as an African American who is bourgeois, snobbish or pretentious. ...


AAVE has also contributed various words and phrases to other varieties of English; these include chill out, main squeeze, soulmate and threads[45]


Social context

AAVE's resistance to assimilation into Standard American English or other more standard dialects is a consequence of cultural and historical differences between blacks and whites (Romaine 109). Any language used by isolated groups of people is likely to split into various dialects. Thus, language becomes a means of self-differentiation that helps forge group identity, solidarity and pride. It is "intricately bound up with his or her sense of identity and group consciousness".[46] General American is a notional accent of American English based on speech patterns common in the Midwest of the United States and those used by many American network television broadcasters. ...


AAVE has survived through the centuries also as a result of varying degrees of isolation from Southern American English and Standard American English — through both "self-segregation from and marginalization by mainstream society" (Trudgill 108). Still, most speakers of AAVE are bidialectal, since they use Standard American English to varying degrees as well as AAVE. This method of linguistic adaptation in different environments is called code switching. Each dialect, or code, is applied in different settings. Generally speaking, the degree of exclusive use of AAVE decreases with the rise in socioeconomic status (although it is still used by even well educated African Americans).[47] As with the case of many nonstandard varieties, almost all speakers of AAVE (at any socioeconomic level) fully understand Standard American English.[citation needed] Thus use of AAVE, as with the use of SAE, can be a conscious choice. The level of usage of any dialect is subject to the speaker's volition.[citation needed] In certain situations, speakers of AAVE may deem it more appropriate to use SAE, and in other instances (most likely among other African Americans) use AAVE. This article or section needs a complete rewrite for the reasons listed on the talk page. ...


The preponderance of code switching indicates that AAVE and SAE are met with different reactions or discernments. AAVE is often perceived by members of mainstream American society as indicative of low intelligence or limited education. Furthermore, as with many other non-standard dialects and especially creoles, AAVE sometimes has been called "lazy" or "bad" English, although among linguists there is no such controversy, since AAVE, like all dialects, shows consistent internal logic and structure.[48]


Origins

While it is clear that there is a strong relationship between AAVE and Southern American English, the unique characteristics of AAVE are not fully explained and it is unclear exactly how they arose. Southern American English as defined by the monophthongization of to before obstruents (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006:126). ...


One theory is that AAVE arose from one or more slave creoles that arose from the trans-Atlantic African slave trade and the need for African captives to communicate among themselves and with their captors. During the Middle Passage, these captives (many already multi-lingual speakers of dialects of Wolof, Twi, Hausa, Yoruba, Dogon, Akan, Kimbundu, Bambara and other languages[citation needed]) developed what are called pidgins, simplified mixtures of two or more languages. As pidgins form from close contact between members of different language communities, the slave trade would have been exactly such a situation. Dillard quotes slave ship Captain William Smith[49]: A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable language that originates seemingly as a new language, sometimes with features that are not inherited from any apparent source, without however qualifying in any appreciable way as a mixed language. ... The Middle Passage refers to the forced transportation of African people from Africa to the New World as part of the Atlantic slave trade[1] and was the middle portion of the triangular trade voyage. ... Wolof is a language spoken in Senegal, the Gambia, and Mauritania, and it is the native language of the ethnic group of the Wolof people. ... Twi (pronounced chwee ) is a language spoken in Ghana by about 7 million people. ... The Hausa are a people of northern Nigeria and south-eastern Niger. ... The Yoruba (Yorùbá in Yoruba orthography) are a large ethno-linguistic group or ethnic nation in West Africa. ... The Dogon village of Banani. ... Akan may be: Akan people, an ethnic group from western Africa Akan States, any of several states organized in the 16th or 17th century by the Akan people Akan languages, a stock of dialects spoken by the Akan people Akan District, Hokkaido Akan, Hokkaido, a town in Akan District, Hokkaido... Kimbundu is one of the most spoken pre-colonial languages in central africa. ... Bambara Mother figure, 15th-20th century The Bambara (Bamana in their own language, or sometimes Banmana) are a Mande people living in west Africa, primarily in Mali but also in Guinea, Burkina Faso and Senegal. ... This article is about simplified languages. ... Slave ships were cargo boats specially converted for the purpose of transporting slaves, especially newly captured African slaves. ...

As for the languages of Gambia, they are so many and so different, that the Natives, on either Side of the River, cannot understand each other.… [T]he safest Way is to trade with the different Nations, on either Side of the River, and having some of every Sort on board, there will be no more Likelihood of their succeeding in a Plot, than of finishing the Tower of Babel. This article is about the Biblical story. ...

Some slave owners preferred slaves from a particular tribe. For consigned cargoes, language mixing aboard ship was sometimes minimal. There is evidence that many enslaved Africans continued to use fairly intact native languages until almost 1700, when the Wolof language became one of the bases of a sort of intermediary pidgin among Africans. It is Wolof that comes to the fore in tracing the African roots of AAVE.[citation needed] By 1715, this African pidgin had made its way into novels by Daniel Defoe, in particular, The Life of Colonel Jacque. Cotton Mather claimed to have been very familiar with his slaves' speech, knowing enough to affirm that one of his slaves was a Coromantee, a general term applied during slavery to the Akan, Ashanti and Fanti peoples of the Gold Coast, whom slaveholders commonly regarded as particularly rebellious in nature.[citation needed] Mather's imitative writing shows features present in many creole languages and even in modern day AAVE. Daniel Defoe (1659/1661 [?] â€“ April 24 [?], 1731)[1] was an English writer, journalist, and spy, who gained enduring fame for his novel Robinson Crusoe. ... This article is about the 17th century Puritan minister. ... Akan may be: Akan people, an ethnic group from western Africa Akan States, any of several states organized in the 16th or 17th century by the Akan people Akan languages, a stock of dialects spoken by the Akan people Akan District, Hokkaido Akan, Hokkaido, a town in Akan District, Hokkaido... For other uses, see Ashanti (disambiguation). ... For the writer, see John Fante. ... Gold Coast may refer to: // Gold Coast (British colony), British colony on the Gulf of Guinea in west Africa Brandenburger Gold Coast, former German colony Danish Gold Coast, former Danish colony Dutch Gold Coast, former Dutch colony Portuguese Gold Coast, former Portuguese colony Swedish Gold Coast, former Swedish colony Gold... A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable language that originates seemingly as a new language, sometimes with features that are not inherited from any apparent source, without however qualifying in any appreciable way as a mixed language. ...


By the time of the American Revolution, slave creoles had not quite established themselves to the point of mutual intelligibility among varieties. Dillard quotes a recollection of "slave language" toward the latter part of the 18th century[50]: John Trumbulls Declaration of Independence, showing the five-man committee in charge of drafting the Declaration in 1776 as it presents its work to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia The American Revolution refers to the period during the last half of the 18th century in which the Thirteen...

Kay, massa, you just leave me, me sit here, great fish jump up into da canoe, here he be, massa, fine fish, massa; me den very grad; den me sit very still, until another great fish jump into de canoe; but me fall asleep, massa, and no wake 'til you come…

It was not until the time of the Civil War that the language of the slaves became familiar to a large number of educated whites. The abolitionist papers before the war form a rich corpus of examples of plantation creole. In Army Life in a Black Regiment (1870), Thomas Wentworth Higginson detailed many features of his soldiers' language. In particular, this book contains the first reference to the distinction within AAVE "been" between stressed BÍN and unstressed bin.[citation needed] Combatants United States of America (Union) Confederate States of America (Confederacy) Commanders Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee Strength 2,200,000 1,064,000 Casualties 110,000 killed in action, 360,000 total dead, 275,200 wounded 93,000 killed in action, 258,000 total... Thomas Wentworth Higginson (December 22, 1823 - May 9, 1911) was an American author, abolitionist, and soldier. ...


After Emancipation, some freed slaves traveled to West Africa, taking their creole with them. In certain African tribal groups, such as those in west Cameroon, there are varieties of Black English that show strong resemblances to the creole dialects in the U.S. documented during this period.[citation needed] The languages have remained similar due to the homogeneity within tribal groups, and so can act as windows into a past state of Creole English.[citation needed] This article is about the abolition of slavery. ...  Western Africa (UN subregion)  Maghreb[1] West Africa or Western Africa is the westernmost region of the African continent. ...


AAVE in education

AAVE has been the center of controversy on issues regarding the education of African American youths and the role it should play in public schools and education, as well as its place in broader society. Educators have held that attempts should be made to eliminate AAVE usage through the public education system. Criticisms from social commentators and educators have ranged from asserting that AAVE is an intrinsically deficient form of speech [citation needed] to arguments that its use, by being considered unacceptable in most cultural contexts, is socially limiting. It is often argued that incorporating AAVE in schools would only impede the academic progress of young African American children.[citation needed] The harshest criticisms of AAVE have come from other African Americans.[51] Most notably, Bill Cosby, in his Pound Cake speech, criticized members of the African American community for various social behaviors including exclusive use of AAVE An African American (also Afro-American, Black American, or simply black) is a member of an ethnic group in the United States whose ancestors, usually in predominant part, were indigenous to Africa. ... William Henry Bill Cosby, Jr. ... The Pound Cake Speech was given by Bill Cosby in May 2004, at an event to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Brown v. ...


Changes in formal attitudes regarding the acceptance of AAVE as a distinct dialect correlated with advancements in civil rights. One notable shift in the recognition of AAVE came in the "Ann Arbor Decision" of 1979 (Martin Luther King Junior Elementary School Children et al., v. Ann Arbor School District). In it, a federal judge ruled that a school board, in teaching black children to read, must adjust to the children's dialect, not the children to the school.[52] Civil rights or positive rights are those legal rights retained by citizens and protected by the government. ...


Prior to this, the CCCC (Conference on College Composition and Communication), a sub-division of NCTE (National Council of Teachers of English) issued a position statement on students' right to their own language.[citation needed] This was adopted by members of the CCCC in April 1974 and appeared in a special issue of CCC in the fall of 1974. The resolution is as follows: The Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC, affectionately referred to as Four Cs) is a national professional association of college and university writing instructors in the USA. Formed in 1949 as an organization within the National Council of Teachers of English, CCCC currently has about 7000 members. ... The National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) has worked to advance teaching, research, and student achievement in English language arts at all scholastic levels since 1911. ...

"We affirm the students' right to their own patterns and varieties of language-the dialects of their nurture or whatever dialects in which they find their own identity and style. Language scholars long ago denied that the myth of a standard American dialect has any validity. The claim that any one dialect is unacceptable amounts to an attempt of one social group to exert its dominance over another. Such a claim leads to false advice for speakers and writers and immoral advice for humans. A nation proud of its-diverse heritage and its cultural and racial variety will preserve its heritage of dialects. We affirm strongly that teachers must have the experiences and training that will enable them to respect diversity and uphold the right of students to their own language."[citation needed]

The formal recognition of AAVE was revisited when a controversial resolution from the Oakland, California school board on December 18, 1997, called on "Ebonics" to be officially recognized as a language of African Americans.[53] At its last meeting, the outgoing Oakland school board unanimously passed the resolution before stepping down from their positions to the newly elected board consisting of members who held different political views. The new board modified the resolution and then effectively dropped it. Had the measure remained in force, it would have affected funding and education-related issues.[citation needed] On December 18, 1996, the Oakland, California school board passed a controversial resolution recognizing the legitimacy of Ebonics — i. ... “Oakland” redirects here. ...


The Oakland resolution declared that AAVE was not English, and was not an Indo-European language at all, asserting that the speech of black children belonged to "West and Niger-Congo languages and are not merely dialects of English."[54] This claim is inconsistent with the current linguistic theory that AAVE is a dialect of English and thus of Indo-European origin. Furthermore, the differences between modern AAVE and Standard English are nowhere near as great as those between French and Haitian Creole, which are considered to be separate languages. The resolution was widely misunderstood as an intention to teach Ebonics and "elevate it to the status of a written language."[55] The resolution gained national attention and was the subject of derision and criticism. Most notably, from Jesse Jackson and Kweisi Mfume, who regarded it as an attempt to teach slang to children.[56] The statement that "African Language Systems are genetically based" also contributed to widespread hostility because it was popularly misunderstood to mean that African Americans have a biological predisposition to a particular language.[citation needed] In an amended resolution, this phrase was removed and replaced with wording that states African American language systems "have origins in West and Niger-Congo languages and are not merely dialects of English."[57] For other uses, see Indo-European. ... Haitian Creole (Kreyòl ayisyen) is a creole language based on the French language. ... Jesse Louis Jackson, Sr. ... Mfume delivering a speech at NOAA during Black History Month, 2005 Kweisi Mfume (born Frizzell Gerald Gray, October 24, 1948 in Baltimore, Maryland) is the former President/CEO of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), as well as a five-term Democratic Congressman from Marylands...


Proponents of AAVE instruction in public education believe that their proposals have been distorted by political debate and misunderstood by the general public.[citation needed] The underlying belief is that black students would perform better in school and more easily learn standard American English if textbooks and teachers incorporated AAVE in teaching black children to speak Standard English rather than dismiss it as substandard.[58]


For students whose primary dialect was AAVE, the Oakland resolution mandated some instruction in that dialect, both for "maintaining the legitimacy and richness of such language... and to facilitate their acquisition and mastery of English language skills." This also included the proposed increase of salaries of those proficient in both AAVE and Standard English to the level of those teaching LEP (limited English proficiency) students and the use of public funding to help teachers learn AAVE themselves. [59] Teachers were to recognize that the "errors" in Standard American English that their students made were not the result of lack of intelligence or effort, and indeed were not errors at all but instead were features of a grammatically distinct form of English.[citation needed] Rather than teaching Standard English by proscribing non-standard usage, the idea was to teach Standard American English to Ebonics-speaking students by showing them how to translate expressions from AAVE to Standard American English.[citation needed]


Pedagogical techniques similar to those used to teach English to speakers of foreign languages appear to hold promise for speakers of AAVE. William Stewart experimented with the use of dialect readers—sets of text in both AAVE and SAE.[60] The idea was that children could learn to read in their own dialect and then shift to Standard English with subsequent textbooks.[61] Simpkins, Holt, and Simpkins developed a comprehensive set of dialect readers, called bridge readers, which included the same content in three different dialects: AAVE, a bridge version, which was closer to SAE without being prohibitively formal, and a Standard English version.[62] Despite studies that showed promise for such dialect reader programs, reaction to them was largely hostile[63] and both Stewart's research and the Bridge Program were rejected for various political and social reasons, including strong resistance from parents[64] . Opinions on Ebonics still range from advocacy of official language status in the United States to denigration as "poor English."[citation needed]


In 2002, Lisa Delpit and Joanne Kilgour Dowdy edited and contributed to the book The Skin that We Speak: Thoughts on Language and Culture in the Classroom. This book takes a look at how classrooms are dealing with the English debate in practice and what that can mean for students because while policymakers are still debating exactly where they stand on the issue of Standard American English in the classroom and what else is or is not allowed, teachers are having to make their own policies on how to deal with such issues. [65] Lisa D. Delpit is a black American academic, whose work focuses on education and race. ...


Teaching children whose primary dialect is AAVE poses problems beyond simply those commonly addressed by pedagogical techniques, and the Oakland approach has support among some educational theorists. However, such pedagogical approaches have given rise to educational and political disputes. The American public and policymakers remain divided over whether to even recognize AAVE as a legitimate dialect of English. Though she had no standing in the school district, California State San Bernardino sociology professor Mary Texeira suggested, in July 2005, that Ebonics be included in the San Bernardino City Unified School District.[citation needed] The recommendation was met with a backlash similar to that in Oakland nine years before.


According to Smitherman, the overwhelming controversy and debates concerning AAVE in public schools insinuate the deeper, more implicit deterministic attitudes towards the African-American community as a whole. Smitherman describes this as a reflection of the "power elite's perceived insignificance and hence rejection of Afro-American language and culture".[66] She also asserts that since African Americans, in order to succeed, are forced to conform to European American society this ultimately means the "eradication of black language…and the adoption of the linguistic norms of the white middle class." The necessity for a "bi-dialectialism" (AAVE and SAE) has "some blacks contend that being bi-dialectal not only causes a schism in the black personality, but it also like saying black talk is 'good enough' for blacks but not for whites."[67] Cultural determinism is a term used to describe the concept that culture determines economic and political arrangements. ...


See also

African American Portal

Image File history File links AmericaAfrica. ... // Although the United States currently has no official language, it is largely monolingual with English being the de facto national language. ... The Gullah language (Sea Island Creole English, Geechee) is a creole language spoken by the Gullah people (also called Geechees), an African American population living on the Sea Islands and the coastal region of the U.S. states of South Carolina and Georgia. ... Habitual be is the nonstandard use of zero copula or an ivariant be in African American Vernacular English and Caribbean English to mark habitual or extended actions in the present tense, instead of using the Standard English inflected forms of be, such as is and are . ... Is-leveling is the use of the word is in places where standard English has are occurring in some nonstandard dialects of English, such as African American Vernacular English. ... Sociolinguistics is the study of the effect of any and all aspects of society, including cultural norms, expectations, and context on the way language is used. ...

Notes

  1. ^ Labov (2001:506-508)
  2. ^ Wardhaugh (2002:341)
  3. ^ See The English History of African American English (cited below) for more information
  4. ^ Labov (1972:8)
  5. ^ Shorter OED, Fifth Edition, cf Bantu kingumbo
  6. ^ Shorter OED, Fifth Edition, Kikongo nguba
  7. ^ Green (2002:116)
  8. ^ Labov (1972:19)
  9. ^ Green (2002:117-119)
  10. ^ Green (2002:121-122) although her examples are different.
  11. ^ Rickford (1997:??)
  12. ^ Green (2002:107-116)
  13. ^ Labov (1972:15)
  14. ^ Labov (1972:15-16)
  15. ^ Labov (1972:17-18)
  16. ^ Labov (1972:18-19)
  17. ^ See Baugh (2000:92–4) on "aks" and metathesis, on the frequency with which "aks" is brought up by those who ridicule AAVE (e.g. Cosby 1997), and on the linguistic or cognitive abilities of a speaker of standard English who would take "aks" to mean "axe" in a context that in standard English calls for "ask".
  18. ^ Labov (1972:14)
  19. ^ Labov (1972:14-15)
  20. ^ Labov (1972:19)
  21. ^ Labov (1972:19)
  22. ^ Aspectual be: Green (2002:47-54)
  23. ^ Green (2002:60-62)
  24. ^ For the meaning and use, although not the etymology: Green, African American English, 70–71.
  25. ^ Rickford (1999:??)
  26. ^ Green (2002:54)
  27. ^ Rickford (1999:??)
  28. ^ Howe & Walker (2000:110)
  29. ^ Labov (1972:284)
  30. ^ Winford (1992:350)
  31. ^ Howe & Walker (2000:110)
  32. ^ Lexemic notation: BE means any form of the verb be (in SE am, is, are, was, were, being, been, as well as be itself.
  33. ^ Seven conditions: Geoff Pullum, "Why Ebonics Is No Joke" Lingua Franca transcript, 17 October 1998, Australian Broadcasting Corporation.
  34. ^ Green (2002:38)
  35. ^ Green (2002:102-103)
  36. ^ Green (2002:84-89)
  37. ^ eg: OED, "dig", from ME vt diggen
  38. ^ Smitherman (2000:??) s.v. "Dig".
  39. ^ Rickford and Rickford, Spoken Soul, 146.
  40. ^ Rickford and Rickford, Spoken Soul, 146.
  41. ^ Smitherman (1977:??) cited in Rickford and Rickford, Spoken Soul, 240.
  42. ^ or of paddyroller Gray: Smitherman, Black Talk, s.v. "Gray". Paddy: Dictionary of American Regional English, s.v. "Paddy".
  43. ^ Smitherman suggests either a general West African or the Pig Latin origin. Smitherman (2000:??) "Ofay".
  44. ^ Smitherman (2000:??) "Kitchen". Kitchen, siditty: Dictionary of American Regional English, s.vv. "Kitchen", "Siditty".
  45. ^ Lee (1999:??))
  46. ^ Smitherman (1977:71)
  47. ^ Coulmas (2005:177)
  48. ^ Labov (1997:?)
  49. ^ Dillard (1972:??)
  50. ^ Dillard (1972:??)
  51. ^ Lippi-Green (2000:200). Further, "Black critics [of Black English] use all the different arguments of the white critics, and spare us the more or less open embarrassment that all white Americans feel when publicly criticizing anything or anyone Black. So, of course, they can be even more wrong-headed and self-righteously wrong-headed than anyone else . . ." Quinn (1982:150–51).
  52. ^ Wardhaugh (2002:345)
  53. ^ Coulmas (2005:213)
  54. ^ Golden, "Oakland Scratches plan to teach black English".
  55. ^ Coulmas (2005:214)
  56. ^ Morgan (1999:173)
  57. ^ Golden, "Oakland Scratches plan to teach black English".
  58. ^ Nonstandard language is not the same as substandard, a point made for example by the cognitive scientist Steven Pinker in The Language Instinct (pp. 28 et seq.); (Pinker's comments on dialects in general and AAVE in particular go unmentioned by Geoffrey Sampson in Educating Eve, a book-length attempted debunking of The Language Instinct.) The same point is made in various introductions to language and sociolinguistics, e.g. Radford et al. (1999), p.17, Schilling-Estes (2006), pp. 312 et seq.; and also in surveys of the English language, e.g. Crystal (2003), sec. 20, "Linguistic Variation"
  59. ^ Morgan (1999:173)
  60. ^ Stewart (1975:??)
  61. ^ Wardhaugh (2002:345)
  62. ^ Simpkins, Holt & Simpkins (1977:??)
  63. ^ Morgan (1999:181)
  64. ^ Downing (1978:341); Morgan (1999:182); Wardhaugh (2002:345)
  65. ^ Delpit (2002:??)
  66. ^ Smitherman (1977:209)
  67. ^ Smitherman (1977:173)

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Steven Pinker Steven Arthur Pinker (born September 18, 1954) is a prominent Canadian-born American experimental psychologist, cognitive scientist, and popular science writer known for his spirited and wide-ranging advocacy of evolutionary psychology and the computational theory of mind. ... The Language Instinct is a book by Steven Pinker, published in 1995, in which he argues the case for the belief that humans are born with an innate capacity for language. ... Geoffrey Sampson is Professor of Natural Language Computing in the Department of Informatics, University of Sussex, England. ... Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ... Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ... Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ... Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ... Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ... 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References

  • Baugh, John (2000), written at New York, Beyond Ebonics: Linguistic Pride and Racial Prejudice, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-515289-1
  • Cosby, William. (1997) "Elements of Igno-Ebonics Style." Wall Street Journal, 10 January. P.A11.
  • Coulmas, Florian (2005), Sociolinguistics: The Study of Speakers' choices, Cambridge
  • Crystal, David. (2003) The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-82348-X (hard); ISBN 0-521-53033-X (paper).
  • Delpit, Lisa & Joanne Kilgour Dowdy (2002), written at New York, The Skin that We Speak: Thoughts on Language and Culture in the Classroom., New Press, ISBN 1565845447
  • Dictionary of American Regional English. 5 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985–.
  • Dillard, John L. (1972), Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States, Random House, ISBN 0-394-71872-0
  • Downing, John (1978), "Strategies of Bilingual Teaching", International Review of Education 24 (3): 329-346
  • Howe, Darin M. & James A. Walker (2000), "Negation and the Creole-Origins Hypothesis: Evidence from Early African American English", in Poplack, Shana, The English History of African American English, {{{PagesTag}}} 109-139
  • Golden, Tim. "Oakland Scratches plan to teach black English." New York Times. Jan 14, 1997. ProQuest Historical Newspapers. Pg A10.
  • Green, Lisa J. (2002), written at Cambridge, African American English: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge University Press, {{{PagesTag}}} 109-139, ISBN 0-521-89138-8
  • Labov, William (1972), written at Philadelphia, Language in the Inner City: Studies in Black English Vernacular, University of Pennsylvania Press
  • Labov, William (2001), written at Oxford, Principles of Linguistic Change, II: Social factors, Blackwell, ISBN 0631179151
  • Margaret, Lee (1999), "Out of the Hood and into the News: Borrowed Black Verbal Expressions in a Mainstream Newspaper", American Speech: 369-388
  • Lippi-Green, Rosina (1997), written at London, English with an Accent: Language, Ideology, and Discrimination in the United States, Blackwell, {{{PagesTag}}} 200
  • Morgan, Marcyliena (1999), Davis, Kathryn Anne, ed., Sociopolitical perspectives on language policy and planning in the USA., John Benjamins, ISBN 1556197357
  • Pinker, Steven. The Language Instinct. New York: Morrow, 1994. ISBN 0-688-12141-1.
  • Quinn, Jim (1992), written at New York, American Tongue and Cheek: A Populist Guide to Our Language, Penguin, ISBN 0-14-006084-7
  • Radford, Andrew, et al (1999). Linguistics: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-47854-5. 
  • Rickford, John (1997), "Suite for Ebony and Phonics", Discover Magazine 18 (2)
  • Rickford, John (1999), African American Vernacular English, Blackwell, ISBN 0-631-21245-0
  • Rickford, John & Russell Rickford (2000), written at New York, Spoken Soul: The Story of Black English., John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 0-471-39957-4
  • Sampson, Geoffrey. Educating Eve: The "Language Instinct" Debate. London: Cassell, 1997. ISBN 0-304-33908-3 (hard), ISBN 0-304-70290-0 (paper).
  • Schilling-Estes, Natalie. "Dialect Variation". Pp. 311–42 of An Introduction to Language and Linguistics, ed. Ralph W. Fasold and Jeff Connor-Linton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-521-84768-0 (hard), ISBN 0-521-61235-7 (paper).
  • Simpkins, Gary A.; Grace Holt & Charlesetta Simpkins (1977), Bridge: A Cross-Cultural Reading Program, Houghton-Mifflin
  • Smitherman, Geneva (1977), written at Boston, Talkin and Testifyin: The Language of Black America, Houghton Mifflin
  • Smitherman, Geneva (2000), written at Boston, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner (revised ed.), Houghton Mifflin, ISBN 0-395-96919-0
  • Stewart, William (1975), "Teaching Blacks to Read Against Their Will", written at Regensburg, Germany, in Luelsdorff, P.A., Linguistic Perspectives on Black English., Hans Carl
  • Wardhaugh, Ronald (2002), An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, Blackwell
  • Winford, Donald (1992), "Back to the past: The BEV/creole connection revisited", Language Variation and Change 4 (3): 311-357

is the 10th day of the year in the Gregorian calendar. ...

External links

  • Asimov, Nanette. "Opening Pandora's Box". San Francisco Chronicle January 19, 1997. Asimov interviews Toni Cook: "The Oakland school board member principally responsible for the controversial resolution on ebonics reflects on several weeks of turmoil."
  • Drake, Dan. "The Notorious Ebonics Resolution of Oakland, California". Critique of the Oakland resolution (with annotated text) and of most of its critics
  • Jones, Gayle. "Ebonics essay". The African-Americanist (University of Missouri–Columbia) 7, no. 1. 1998.
  • King, Michael. "Ebonics Slang No Substitute for Standard English", Project 21 New Visions Commentary, August 2002.
  • Linguistic Society of America. "Resolution on the Oakland "Ebonics" Issue" unanimously adopted at the annual meeting of the LSA, Chicago, January 3, 1997 in support of the Oakland school board's decision.
  • Nunberg, Geoffrey, "Double Standards", a linguist's essay on press coverage of the Oakland "Ebonics" resolution.
  • Oakland (Calif.) Board of Education. First resolution (18 December 1996), formal title "Resolution of the Board of Education adopting the report and recommendations of the African-American Task Force: A policy statement; and Directing the Superintendent of Schools to devise a program to improve the English language acquisition and application skills of African-American students".
  • Oakland (Calif.) Board of Education. Revised resolution (15 January 1997), formal title "Amended resolution of the Board of Education adopting the report and recommendations of the African-American Task Force: A policy statement; and Directing the Superintendent of Schools to devise a program to improve the English language acquisition and application skills of African-American students".
  • Oubré, Alondra. "Black English Vernacular (Ebonics) and Educability: A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Language, Cognition, and Schooling". 1997. African American Web Connection.
  • Patrick, Peter L. "African American English: A webpage for linguists and other folks". University of Essex.
  • Patrick, Peter L. "A bibliography of works on African American English". University of Essex.
  • "Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE)". Child Phonology Laboratory, University of Alberta. 2001. A large inventory of AAVE phonological features.
  • Pullum, Geoff. "Why Ebonics Is No Joke". Lingua Franca transcript, 17 October 1998. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. The grammarian Geoff Pullum corrects popular misconceptions about AAVE.
  • Rickford, John R. "Ebonics Notes and Discussion". December 1996. On the grammar and phonology of AAVE, and the term "Ebonics".
  • Rickford, John R., and Angela E. Rickford. "Dialect Readers Revisited". Linguistics and Education 7 (1995), no. 2, 107–128.
  • Sidnell, Jack. "African American Vernacular English". Language Varieties (University of New England).

  Results from FactBites:
 
english - definition of english - Labor Law Talk Dictionary (652 words)
English - of or relating to or characteristic of England or its culture; "English history"; "the English landed aristocracy"; "English literature"
English studies: the study of English literature or any literature in the English language.
In American slang, spin imparted to a thrown or rolled object (such as a bowling ball or billiard ball) in order to affect its trajectory.
African American Vernacular English definition - Dictionary - MSN Encarta (210 words)
African American Vernacular English, or AAVE, is the term used by scholars for the widespread and varied African American usages of the English Language, also called Ebonics, Afro-American English, American Black English, Black English, Black English Vernacular, and Black Vernacular English.
Originating in the pidgin of the slave trade and Plantation Creole in the U.S. Southern states, African American Vernacular English considerably influenced U.S. Southern English and, in the late 19th and the 20th centuries, spread by migration through much of the nation.
African American Vernacular English expressions have contributed to the rich texture of American English, these terms being typical: yam (sweet potato), goober (peanut), okra, gumbo (the soup and the river mud), tote (carry), juke, mumbo jumbo, hep/hip, and boogie woogie.
  More results at FactBites »

 
 

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